J
THE
NUMISMATIC GHEONICLE
AND
JOURNAL OF
THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
(THE)
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE
ASD
JOUBNAL
OP THE
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
EDITED BY
G. P. HILL, M.A.,
KEEPER OF COINS, BRITISH MUSEUM,
OLIVER CODRINGTON, M.D., F.S.A., M.R.A.S.,
AND
G. C. BROOKE, B.A.
FOUKTH SERIES— VOL. XIV.
Factum abiit— monuments manent.— Ov. Fast.
LONDON :
BERNARD QUARITCH, 11, GRAPTON ST., W.
PABIS :
MM. ROLLIN ET FEUARDENT, RUE DE LOUVOIS, No. 4.
1914.
• "fe
LONDON :
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
DUKE STREET, STAMFOHD STREET, S.E., AND GREAT WINDMILL STREET, \\.
CONTENTS.
ANCIENT NUMISMATICS.
PAGE
A Cilician Find. (Plates I.-IV.) By E. T. Newell . . 1
On the Coinage of Commodus during the Keign of Marcus.
(Plate V.) By Rev. C. H. Dodd 34
A Find of Third-century Roman Coins at Puncknoll, Co. Dorset.
By Henry Symonds, F.S.A 92
Greek Coins acquired by the British Museum in 1913. (Plates
VII., VIII.) By G. F. Hill, M.A 97
The Coinage of the Civil Wars of 68-69 A.D. (Plates IX., X.)
By H. Mattingly, M.A .110
Index of Ethnics appearing on Greek Coins. By E. S. G.
Robinson 236
A Hoard of Coins of Temnos. By J. Grafton Milne, M.A. . 260
On the Series of Quadrantes usually assigned to the Reign of
Augustus. By H. Mattingly, M.A 261
The Silver Coinage of Smyrna. (Plates XVI.-XVIII.) By J.
Grafton Milne, M.A 273
The Coinage of Pisidian Antioch. (Plate XIX.) By G. F.
Hill, M.A 299
Portraits d'Imperatrices de 1'Epoque Constantinienne. (Plate
XX.) By Jules Maurice 314
The Dadia Hoard of Coins of Knidos. By J. Grafton Milne, M.A. 379
11 CONTENTS.
MEDIAEVAL AND MODERN NUMISMATICS.
PAGE
The Steppingley Find of English Coins. (Plate VI.) By L. A.
Lawrence, F.S.A., and G. C. Brooke, B.A. ... 60
Offa's Imitation of an Arab Dinar. By J. Allan, M.A. . . 77
A Seventeenth-century Coining-press. By G. F. Hill . . 90
Edward VI and Durham House. By H. Symonds, F.S.A. . 138
Nicholas Briot and the Civil War. (Plates XII.-XV.) By
Miss Helen Farquhar 169
A Find of Long-Cross Pennies at Slype (West Flanders). By
G. C. Brooke, B.A. 256
The Gold Coinage of Charles I. By H. Symonds, F.S.A. . . 264
The Coinage of the Eeign of Edward IV. (Plates XXI.-XXIV.)
ByFredk. A. Walters, F.S.A .330
Carsphairn Find. By G. C. Brooke, B.A 382
ORIENTAL NUMISMATICS.
Coins of Some Kings of Hormuz. (Plate XI.) By H. W.
Codrington . 156
OBITUARY.
Barclay Vincent Head 168, 249
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
Handy Guide to Jewish CoinSi By Rev. E. Rogers ... 95
British Museum : Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties,
&c. By J.Allan 266
Aspects of Death in Art and Epigram. By F. Parkes Weber . 269
Copper Coins of India. Part I. By W. H. Valentine . . 270
CONTENTS. lii
PAGE
Catalogue of the Coins in the Panjab Museum, Lahore. By
R. B. Whitehead 383
Oriental Numismatics. By John Robinson .... 387
Catalogue of the Coins in the Colombo Museum. Part I. By
H. W. Codrington 388
LIST OF PLATES CONTAINED IN VOL. XIV.
FLATUS
I.-IV. A Cilician Find.
V. Coinage of Commodus under Marcus.
VI. Henry III ; Varieties of Long Cross Coinage.
VII., VIII. British Museum, Greek Acquisitions, 1913.
IX., X. Coinage of the Civil Wars of 68-69 A.D.
XL Coins of Kings of Hormuz.
XII.-XV. Nicholas Briot and the Civil War (Coins of Charles I).
XVI -XVIII. Silver Coinage of Smyrna.
XIX. Coinage of Pisidian Antioch.
XX. Portraits d'lmperatrices.
XXI.-XXIV. Coinage of Reign of Edward IV.
I.
A CILICIAN FIND.
(See Plates I.-IV.)
THE great value of " finds " in solving problems both of
numismatics and of history, in determining doubtful
mints and dates, and in placing before our eyes the
actual currency of a given time and place, is to-day too
much of an established fact to need further comment.
While in England and on the Continent comparatively
few of such hoards are allowed to escape the interests of
science, in Eastern lands — I am speaking particularly of
those under Turkish rule — this fortunate state of affairs
does not exist. Here only a rare chance ever preserves
a find intact. If the hoard is not immediately divided
between the actual finders it almost invariably falls into
the hands of dealers, and is soon hopelessly dispersed in
every direction. We are thus deprived, once for all, of
any important data which a careful study might have
given us.
The following little find has fortunately escaped the
usual fate — thanks to the late Prof. Haynes, onetime
superintendent of the excavations carried on by the
University of Pennsylvania at Nippur. Though not a
numismatist himself, Prof. Haynes evidently recognized
the value of this branch of archaeology, and appreciated
the importance of securing a find and keeping it
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. B
2 E. T. NEWELL.
together for future reference and study. Of the ante-
cedents of this little hoard nothing is known beyond
the fact that it came to light among the personal effects
of the late professor, and was thence brought to the
present writer's notice. As all Prof. Haynes' notes
and records had previously been lost or destroyed, we
are deprived of any specific information they may have
contained concerning the " provenance " and subsequent
history of the hoard. For these and for all further in-
formation we shall have to rely upon the hoard itself.
In the following catalogue the coins are arranged
geographically, starting with Syracuse in the west,
thence proceeding eastwards to Athens and Byzantion,
thence to the various cities of Asia Minor, Cyprus, and
Phoenicia, finally ending with the sigloi of the Persian
kings. In every case where there is any decided
difference of opinion, among the latest authorities, as
to the dates to which certain coins are to be assigned,
all the variations are given. The works which con-
stitute at the present time the last word on the pre-
Alexandrine issues of Asia Minor are E. Babelon, Traite
des Monnaies Grecques et Romaines; Barclay V. Head,
Historia Numorum, 2nd edition ; and the catalogues of
Greek coins in the British Museum, especially Gr. F.
Hill, Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia ; Phoenicia; and
Cyprus. These, at any rate, will be the authorities
followed in the present case.
As a general rule the weight of a coin is of com-
paratively little value for scientific purposes unless the
actual condition of the coin is known as well. There-
fore, in our catalogue, the following scale of "con-
ditions " has been used : F.D.C. = " Fleur de coin,"
or uncirculated ; Fine = very slightly worn ; V.G. =
A CILICIAN FIND. 3
very good ; Good = medium condition ; Worn = smooth
through long circulation.
SYRACUSE.
Circ. 425 B.C.
Obv. — ZYPAKOIION. Head of nymph to 1., wearing ear-
ring and plain necklace ; hair rolled ; around, four
dolphins ; beneath neck, EY.
Rev. — Quadriga to 1. ; horses galloping in step ; charioteer
crowned by flying Nike ; in exergue, dolphin to
right pursuing fish. (Attic tetradrachru.)
1. Obv.— Three test-cuts. Eev— One cut. V.G. 17-35.
[PI. I. 1.]
The occurrence in a Cilician hoard of an example
from the Syracusan mint, dating from the best period
of its numismatic art, is particularly interesting. For
in it we have the actual proof that during the fourth
century B.C. Syracusan coins made their way by trade
as far east as Cilicia. Hitherto we have only inferred
this from the apparent fondness Cilician die-engravers
seem to have had of imitating the types, if not always
the artistic merit, of some of the finest coins of Sicily
and Magna Graecia.1
ATHENS.
Before 407 B.C.
Obv. — Head of Athene of archaic style, her helmet adorned
in front with three olive leaves, and at the back
with floral scroll ; her hair in bands across her
temples, and indicated by dots under neck-piece of
helmet.
1 Pharnabazos and Datames on their coins copied the facing head
of Arethusa by Kimon ; Tarsos the Herakles and lion group of certain
Syracusan gold pieces ; Mallos a similar group on coins of Heraklea in
Lucania ; &c.
E. T. NEWELL.
Rev. — A © E. Incuse square ; within which owl r., head
facing, wings closed ; behind, olive spray and
small crescent. (Attic tetradrachm.)
2-6. (Only one of these wasj
weighed) . . . )
7. Obv.— One cut. Bev.— One cut .
8. Obv.— „ Bev.— Three cuts
Q-l\. Obv. — One cut. Bev.— Four cuts
Bev.— „ „ )
(Piece missing))
12. Obv.— Two cuts. Bev.— No cuts .
13. Obv.— No cuts. Bev.— One cut . .
14-21. Obv.— No cuts. Bev.— Two cuts .
F.D.C. 17-10.
Worn. 16-99.
16-99.
V.G. 17-10
Worn. 16-72.
14-60.
22-24. Obv.— No cuts. Bev.— Three cuts
25-26. Obv.— „
27. Obv. — No cuts.
28. Obv.— „
29. Fragment .
30. Obv.— No cuts.
31. 06?;.— „ I
32.
Bev. — Four cuts
Bev. — Four cuts
Bev. — Seven „
P. Bev. — Five cuts,
i. Bev. — Two cuts
Bev. — Five cuts. 1
(Punchmark partly obliterated))
33. Obv. — Punch indistinct
Bev. — Punch indistinct
V.G.
Worn.
16-86.
17-07.
V.G.
16-88.
17-10.
17-12.
16-83.
16-88.
17-07.
17-18.
F.D.C. 17-15.
[PI. I. 2.]
Worn. 16-99.
17-05.
V.G. 17-09.
Worn. 17-07.
17-08.
V.G. 17-00.
16-65.
. 3-23.
V.G. 16-66.
[PI. I. 3.J
Worn. 17-05.
[PI. I. 4.]
V.G. 17-07.
17-06.
A CILICIAN FIND.
34. Obv.— No cuts.
Rev. — Three cuts. Punch, Fig. 1. 1
35. Obv. — Circular depression
Rev. — Two cuts
:}
Worn. 17-08.
[PI. I. 5.]
V.G. 26-93.
[PI. I. 6.]
EASTERN (?) IMITATIONS.
36. Obv.— Cut. Rev. — Two cuts . . Worn. 17-08.
37. Obv. — Stab. Same die as above . .) „ 17-10.
Rev.— Two cuts $ [PI. I. 7.]
38. Obv.— Punch, Fig. 1.2 . . .\ „ 17-00.
Rev. — Two cuts, punch, Fig. 1. 5 .$ [PI. I. 8.]
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FIG. l.
4/Ver 397 B.C. (Athenian Mint).
Same types as the preceding but of later style.
39. Obv.— Cut and punchmark, Fig. 1. 4 . F.D.C. 16-12.
[PI. I. 9.]
It is but natural that we should find these far-
travelling Athenian " owls " in a fourth-century hoard
from the coasts of Asia Minor. For nearly two cen-
turies, until displaced by Alexander's tetradrachms,
they formed the principal medium of exchange between
East and West.
6 E. T. NEWELL.
Of the regular Athenian issues of these famous
" owls " the hoard contains many distinct varieties,
ranging from the fine archaic to late transitional style.
The most interesting, though, are Nos. 36-38, which
are foreign imitations. Taken as a whole, the style of
these imitations is not bad, just enough "off" to reveal
their true character. In weight they compare very
favourably with the genuine Athenian issues, and so,
evidently, were not intended for fraudulent purposes,
but simply to supply the trade demand for this variety
of coin when, towards the end of the Peloponesian war,
and for some time afterwards, the mint at Athens
seems to have ceased coining tetradrachms in any
large quantities.
The majority of our pieces have seen considerable
circulation, and nearly all have been badly defaced by
repeated blows of a chise]. Special interest in these
coins lies in the punchmarks some of them bear.
No. 30 seems to have a form of the Cypriote sign for
" Ko " ; No. 31 what may either be the Phoenician " B> " 2
or the Cypriote "U." No. 38 bears on its obverse a
sign that may either be taken for the Cypriote "Ti"
or the Lycian "Kh"; while on its reverse it has the
Phoenician " D." These counter-stamps have the appear-
ance of private marks rather than of official stamps,
and were probably used by the merchants and bankers
of Cyprus and the opposite coasts, in much the same
way as the Chinese used their " chopmarks " which
2 It is possible that the punches on Nos. 30 and 31 may represent
respectively the Greek letters Fl and Z. On the strength of the
indubitably non-Greek letters found on No. 38, and from the fact
that the style and technique of l~l and W are identical with that of
/j\ it would seem preferable to look upon the two former also as
non-Greek letters.
A CILICIAN FIND. 7
occur so frequently on the silver dollars of various
nationalities circulating in the Far East. The two
forms of the "crux ansata," on Nos. 34 and 39, also
remind us of the coinages of Cilicia and Cyprus on
which this symbol so often appears.
BYZANTION.
416-357 B.C. (Head).
Obv. — "flY. Bull standing to 1. on dolphin.
Rev. — Incuse square, quartered, of " mill-sail " pattern.
(Persic drachm.)
40. Obv.— No cuts. Rev.— No cuts . . F.D.C. 5-34.
[PI. I. 10.]
41. Obv.— „ Rev.— „ . . V.G. 5-40.
42. Obv. — One cut. Rev. — „ „ 5*37.
43. Obv. — ,, Two stabs. Rev. — No cuts. „ 5-35.
44. Obv. — No cuts. Rev. — One cut . . „ 5-37.
KALCHEDON.
412-394 B.C. (Babelon).
Obv. — KAAX. Bull standing to 1. on ear of wheat.
Rev. — Incuse square, quartered, of " mill-sail " pattern.
(Persic drachm.)
45. Obv.— No cuts. Rev.— One cut. V.G. 5-37. [PI. 1. 11.]
It is interesting that the coinages of Byzantion and
Kalchedon, two politically and numismatically allied
cities, should both be represented in our find. As M.
Babelon has shown that this particular variety of the
Kalchedonian coinage — without magistrate's symbol,
monogram, or letter — should be attributed to the
period 412-394 B.C., it follows that the corresponding
and contemporary coinage of Byzantion must also be
limited to this period. In other words, our Byzantine
8 E. T. NEWELL.
coins were not struck much, if any, later than about
394 B.C.
SINOPE.
453-375 B.C. (Head}.
Circa 400 B.C. (Babelon).
Obv. — Head of the nymph Sinope to 1., hair in sphendone.
Rev. — ZINQ. Sea-eagle to 1. on dolphin. (Persic drachm.)
46. (^.-(Early style). One cut . . > Worn_ 6<()g
ttev. — E. One cut . . • • j
47. Obv.— Nl Two cuts . . . . \ ^ ~ „ QA
-U5
Rev.— HH (?) cuts . . 5 --
Obv.— (Poor style) ....)„ 4-87.
Hev.—\N\- . 5 [PI. I. 12.]
No. 48, to judge from its poor style and abnormal
weight, is probably a contemporary forgery. Never-
theless there are no signs of its being a plated coin.
These types were inaugurated on the introduction
of a democratic government in Sinope (453 B.C.), and
lasted until the capture of the city by Datames in
375 B.C. These particular varieties, according to M.
Babelon, belong to the first part of the fourth cen-
tury B.C.
MILETOS.
Before 387 B.C.
Obv. — Forepart of lion to r., looking back.
Mev. — Floral star in incuse square. (Milesian diobol.)
49. Earlier style. See Babelon, Traite, <&c.,[ -r^ T n_
PI. cxliv. 2 . . . .(
50. Similar. Pierced and with cut on rev. . „ 1-11.
51. Later style. See Babelon, ibid., PI. cxliv.') , n_
3-4 ..... r "
52. Similar. Pierced 1-00.
A CILICIAN FIND. 9
The coins of this type were probably discontinued
about 387 B.C., when Hekatomnos, the Carian dynast,
struck Attic drachms of the same types, but with his
abbreviated name over the lion's head.
SAMOS.
390-365 B.C.
Obv. — Lion's scalp, facing.
Rev. — Forepart of bull to r. ; behind, olive branch ; below,
ZA and monogram, Fig. 1. 5; above, magis-
trate's name, HTHZIANAZ. (Rhodian tetra-
drachm.)
53. Rev.— Five cuts. F.D.C. 15-31.
[PI. I. 13.]
The fine style and pronounced incuse square of the
reverse point unmistakably to the first decade of the
period.
ASPENDOS.
After 400 B.C. (Head).
After 394 B.C. (Babelon).
Obv. — Two wrestlers of vigorous build ; the one on the 1.
seizing his opponent by 1. leg to throw- him.
Early style.
Rev. — EZTFEAIIYZ. Slinger to r. in incuse square. Tris-
kelis in front. (Persic stater.)
54. Obv.— One cut. Rev.— One cut . . F.D.C. 10-92.
[PI. II. 1.]
Obv. — Similar type ; but the two wrestlers are seizing each
other by the arms. Fine style.
Rev. — Slinger as above. (Persic stater.)
55. Obv. — Crack. Rev. — Four cuts. Punch-} ™- 10-86
mark, j
56. Obv.— Weakly struck. Rev. — One cut.] V.G. 10-91.
Punchmark : Lion's head — twice I [PI. II. 2
repeated .... .1 (Rev.).'}
57. Obv.— Weakly struck. Rev.— One cut. F.D.C. 10-93.
[PI. II. 3 (Rev.).]
10 E. T. NEWELL.
The early (No. 54) and the fine (Nos. 55-57) style
displayed by these coins, and the absence of all
magistrate's symbols or letters, would place them in
the early days of this particular coinage — that is,
circa 394-380 B.C.
SIDE.
400-300 B.C. (Head).
394-350 B.C. (Babelon).
Obv. — Athene, helmeted, standing to 1. ; r. hand holds
owl, 1. rests on shield; behind, spear; in front,
pomegranate.
Rev. — Aramaic inscription. Apollo standing to 1., holds
laurel branch in r. hand and bow in 1. In front,
altar ; behind, raven. Square countermark, in
which can be seen wolf running to right ; above
and below, indistinct letters. (Persic stater.)
58. Obv.— One cut. Rev. — Four cuts . V.G. 10-59.
[PL II. 4.]
This, too, must have been struck not long after
394 B.C., as the style clearly indicates.
TLOS.
400-364 B.C. (Head).
After 362 B.C. (Babelon).
Obv. — Head of Athene to r., wearing Attic helmet.
Rev. — WE — and sign, Fig. 1. 7. Two lions facing each
other ; between, sign Fig. 1. 6. (Lycian stater.)
59. Obv.— Weakly struck. One cut . .j F.D.C. 8-31.
Rev. — Two cuts. Broken die . .$ [PI. II. 5.]
M. Babelon supposes this coin to have been struck
at Tlos under the domination of the satraps of Caria —
that is, after 362 B.C. ; Dr. Head, on the other hand,
allows it a wider margin of time, in attributing it to the
A CILICIAN FIND. 11
period 400-364 B.C. As we shall see later, the occurrence
of the piece in the present hoard places its date of issue
in the first twenty years of the fourth century B.C.
The rather pronounced incuse form of the reverse die
confirms this. Furthermore, the style of the head and
the circular shape of the incuse reverse die are very
similar to the coins of certain Lycian dynasts who
nourished about 400 B.C.3 The slightly later style of
the coin of Tlos would place its issue between 390 and
380 B.C.
As with the other known specimens of this coin, the
obverse die is very weakly struck, but enough remains
to show that the type is certainly a head of Athene
in Attic helmet — as Dr. Head hesitatingly suggests.
M. Babelon sees in it a lion's scalp (mufle de lion de
face), but adds "mal venue a la frappe" in the
description of the Lycian coinage in his Traite.
The Lycian inscription on our coin seems slightly
different from that found on the other known staters of
this type — it seems to be the inscription of the obol pub-
lished by M. Babelon (Traite, &c., 2me Partie, No. 448).
KELENDERIS.
Circa 450 B.C.
Obv. — Naked youth seated sideways on horse galloping to 1.
Rev. — Forepart of goat preparing to kneel to 1.
(Persic stater.)
60. Obv. — Two cuts and two punchmarks ;\
the upper one represents an ^y"orn 10-57
ibis, the lower one the Egyptian - rp, ' jj g -j
sign"NEFER."
Rev. — Two cuts .
3 Babelon, Traite, <&c., Vol. II., PI. C, Nos. 18-20; 01, Nos.
13-20, &c.
12 E. T. NEWELL.
400-350 B.C.
Obv. — Naked youth seated sideways on horse galloping
to r.
Rev. — KEAEN Goat preparing to kneel to r., head reverted.
(Persic stater.)
61. Obv.— Somewhat weakly struck . . j F.D.C. 10-79.
Rev.— Two cuts . .$ [PL II. 7.]
No. 60 appears to be an unpublished variety of the
Kelenderite coinage. In style it is a contemporary
of B.M.C. : Gilicia, PI. ix. 1, and forms the transition
between the earlier types (PI. viii. 13-15) with the
incuse reverse, and the later types (PI. ix. 1-6) with the
kneeling goat looking back. This representation of a
goat's forepart is an entirely new motive among
Kelenderite numismatic types. The coin is also note-
worthy for the two remarkable countermarks on its
obverse. The Egyptian sign " nefer," meaning " good,"
together with the ibis, would seem to indicate that this
particular coin had circulated in Egypt, or, at least, had
passed through the hands of Egyptian merchants or
bankers.
No. 61, with its fine style and total absence of
magistrate's symbols or letters, must be assigned to the
first decade of the fourth century.
SOLI.
Before 386 B.C. (Hill).
400-350 B.C. (Bdbelon).
Obv. — Head of Athene r., in griffin-ornamented Attic
helmet. Fine style.
Rev. — Bunch of grapes with leaf and tendril ; and A- B, in
diamond shape incuse; around, ZO AE HN.
(Persic stater.)
62. Rev.— Four cuts. F.D.C. 10'62.
A CILICIAN FIND. 13
Obv. — Similar head of Athene of fine style.
Bev. — ZOAIKON Bunch of grapes with tendril in incuse
of circular shape ; above grapes, A I. Fine style
and high relief. (Persic stater.)
63. Obv.— Crack. Bev.— Two cuts . . F.D.C. 10-65.
[PI. II. 8.]
Obv. — Similar head of Athene, low relief, weaker style.
Rev. — Bunch of grapes with leaf and tendril placed
diagonally in incuse square. Low relief.
(Persic stater.)
64. No cuts. F.D.C. 10-15.
[PI. II. 9.]
65. Rev.— Z - O. Three cuts. F.D.C. 10-22.
[PI. II. 10.]
Obv. — Similar head and similar style.
Bev. — Bunch of grapes with leaf and tendril in circle of
pearls, ZOAI below.
66. Bev.— Three cuts. F.D.C. 10-33.
[PI. II. 11.]
67. Bev.— One cut. F.D.C. 10-15.
[PI. II. 12.]
68. Bev.— Three cuts. F.D.C. 10-10.
No. 63 appears to be an unpublished variety of this
type. Mr. Hill places the lower limit of this series of
Solian autonomous coins at 386 B.C. When we come to
study the hoard, with a view to determining its date of
burial, we shall see that Mr. Hill is undoubtedly right
in fixing on this date rather than continuing the series
down to 350 B.C. as M. Babel on does.
MALLOS.
425-385 B.C. (JKW).
After 387 B.C. (Babelon).
Obv. — Winged figure running (in kneeling posture) to r. ;
holding in both hands circular disk, on which star
of eight rays.
14 E. T. NEWELL.
Bev. — M A P. Swan to 1. ; in front, dolphin; behind,
" crux ansata." (Persic stater.)
69. Obv.— Cracks. Rev.— Two cuts . . V.G-. 10-20.
[PI. II. 13.]
Obv. — Similar figure to r. ; in front, " crux ansata."
Rev. — M A P. Swan to r. ; in front, altar and ear of
corn. (Persic stater.)
70. Obv.— Cut. Bev.— Six cufo . Worn. 10-60.
ISSOS (?).
j
Sixth Century B.C.
. 0
Obv. — Forepart of lion to 1., jaws open.
Rev. — Incuse square divided by diagonal bar into twc
triangles. (Persic stater.)
71. V.G. 10-94.
[PI. II. 14.]
The attribution of this coin to Issos is still con-
jectural, but is supported by the presence of the piece
in this particular hoard.
ISSOS.
Before 386 B.C. (Babelon).
Obv. — Above, on 1., AHATOPIOY (sic!) in small letters; in
field, IZZI — KON. Apollo, naked to waist but for
himation over 1. shoulder, standing facing, head
to 1. ; r. arm outstretched holding patera ; 1. rests
on laurel branch.
Rev. — Herakles, naked, standing facing, head turned to
r. ; r. hand rests on club ; 1. holds lion's skin,
bow, and arrow. To 1., above shoulder, wreath ;
to right, sign, Fig. 1. 8. (Persic stater.)
72. Obv.— One cut. Rev.— One cut . . F.D.C. 10-59.
[PI. III. 1.]
On this fine stater we are at last able to read, in
n.inute but perfectly legible letters, the name AHATOPIOY
A OILICIAN FIND. 15
above Apollo's right shoulder. M. Babelon has already
noticed the legend; but owing to the condition of the
piece he publishes,4 he describes it as Aramaic — in his
own words, "Les vestiges d'une legende Arameenne
(peut-etre le nom de Tiribazos)." As both coins seem
to be from the same obverse die, AHATOPIOY must also
be the inscription found *i the Copenhagen specimen.
What is ^Airaropiov to be considered as — a magistrate's
TIP*- o, a divine epithet, or perhaps an artist's signature?
three solutions have their difficulties, as we shall
To begin with, the form 'Airaropio^ is new. As
AiraTovptoQ it has been preserved for us by various
authors and inscriptions as a personal name in Athens,
Delos, Byzantium, Alabanda, &c.5 It also appears as a
magistrate's name on certain coins of Smyrna and
Kyme.6 'Airaropiov may be merely an orthographical
error of the die-sinker or a dialectical variation of the
usual 'ATTdTovpiov, or simply due to the confusion
prevalent about this period in the writing of the pure
and impure vowel-sounds. The simplest explanation of
this name would be to consider it as that of some magis-
trate in charge of this coinage. With rare exceptions 7
Cilician magistrates did not sign their names in full
on their coins till well after the middle of the second
century B.C., and in the few cases where they did, never
in the genitive case. Our coin is of a period when
seldom anything more than a symbol or, at most, one
4 Now in Copenhagen. See Babelon, Traits, &c., 2me Partie, Vol. II.
No. 1373.
5 W. Pape, Worterbuch der Griechischen Eigennamen, 1863/70.
6 Mionnet, iii. 192 ; S. vi. 11.
7 Babelon, Traite, <&c., 2me Partie, Soli; Nos. 1437, 1443, both after
350 B.C.
16 E. T. NEWELL.
or two letters are found. Outside of Cilicia, at Ephesos,
at Samos, at Chios, at Knidos, at Klazomenae, and other
cities of Asia Minor, magistrates signed in full from the
commencement of the fourth century B.C., but always
in the nominative case.
Can we explain it as an artist's signature ? It is in
a conspicuous place, and the custom of signing dies was
not prevalent in Cilicia. On the other hand, the extreme
minuteness of the letters, the accompanying fine style
of the coin itself, and lastly, the genitive case, might all
argue in favour of this last hypothesis. The great
Syracusan artists Eumenes and Euainetos were accus-
tomed to sign their names in the genitive case. As
the Cilician die- engravers more than once turned to the
masterpieces of Sicily for their inspiration, it might
have happened that in one instance, in an excess of
pride and emulation, the Cilician artist signed his name
to his production, in imitation of his Western masters.
By far the most plausible explanation of the word
'Airaropiog is that probably it was intended as an epithet
of the god it accompanies. We know that 'A-n-aTovpia
was an epithet of Aphrodite and Athene, ' A-n-aTovpiog of
Zeus and Dionysos.8 As far as I know, however, we
have no instance of its having been used as an epithet
of Apollo. But there is no reason to suppose that he
might not have been given this name at Issos, if he
were associated in that city with an Apaturia festival.
Our coin would then be a most interesting (as it is the
only) proof that such a festival had been held at Issos,
and that the god Apollo was there associated with it.
8 Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Apatourios.
A CILICIAN FIND. 17
SATRAPAL ISSUES OF TIRIBAZOS.
386-380 B.C.
SOLI.
Obi-. — ZO on 1. ; Aramaic inscription (in*~in) on r. Baal
standing to 1., r. arm extended beneath flying
eagle, 1. arm resting on sceptre.
Rev. — Ahura-mazda to front, head r., nude body terminated
by winged disk of Persian form ; in r., wreath ;
in 1., lotos. (Persic stater.)
73. F.D.C. 10-95.
[PI. III. 2.]
74. Obv.— One cut. Rev.— Three cuts . Fine. 10-59.
Obv. — Head of bearded Herakles r., lion's skin fastened
around neck.
Rev. — Head of satrap (Tiribazos?) r., bearded and wearing
Persian tiara. In front, ZOAEflN. (Persic
stater.)
75. Fine style, high relief .... F.D.C. 10'20.
[PI. III. 3.]
76. Around head, ZOMKON. Low relief.} -r, ^ n a on
-.-> f*. . > .T..U.O. y ou.
Rev. — Cut . . . .$
77. Similar. Rev.— „ . Fine. 9-80.
„ Rev.— Two cuts „ 10-19.
Obv.— Cut . . F.D.C. 10-19.
[PI. III. 4.]
MALLOS.
Obv. — Head of nymph r., hair done up in sphendone; ear-
ring and pearl necklace.
Rev. — Head of satrap (Tiribazos ?) r., bearded and wearing
Persian tiara. In front MA A. (Persic stater.)
80. Coin nearly divided by deep cut. Fine) F.D.C. 9-99.
style . . .j [PI. HI. 5.]
81. Rev.— Cut. Fine style. Fine. 10'54.
[PI. III. 6.]
82. Obv.— Two cuts. Rev.— Three cuts . V.G. 10-68.
83. Rev.— Two cuts . „ 10'39.
[PI. III. 7.]
NUM. CHKON., VOL. XIV., SEEIES IV. C
18 E. T. NEWELL.
These coins are interesting, as they represent the
coinage issued by Tiribazos the Satrap to defray the
expenses of the expedition he was preparing in Southern
Cilicia against Evagoras I, the revolted king of Cyprus.
ISLAND OF CYPRUS.
KINGS OF SALAMIS.
EVAGORAS I.
411-374 B.C.
Obv. — Cypriote inscription, p<o-yo- Fa-v-E (Euayo/ow). He-
rakles beardless, seated to r. on lion's skin
stretched over rock; r. hand holds club, 1. band
holds bull's horn.
Rev. — Fo-X.-r]-crL-^a (/BamXrjo). Goat reclining to r. on dotted
base. (Persic stater.)
84. Eev.— Two cuts . F.D.C. 11-02.
[PL III. 8.]
Obv. — Bearded head of Herakles to r. covered with lion's
skin.
Fo-Xrj-o-L-fta
Rev. — Fa,. Goat reclining to r. on dotted base ;
crc E V above, grain of wheat. (Persic stater.)
85. Rev.— Two cuts . . F.D.C. 10-50.
[PL III. 9.]
The first of these staters is particularly interesting,
as it seems to be unpublished. Tetrobols bearing the
same types are well known, but this is the first time
that a corresponding stater has made its appearance. It
evidently was the first issue of Evagoras' reign, and was
shortly superseded by the more usual coins in gold and
silver, bearing on their obverses the bearded Herakles
head of No. 85. Neither of the two coins catalogued
here has seen any circulation whatsoever.
A CILICIAN FIND. 19
KINGS OP KITION.
BAALRAM.
Circa 400-392 B.C.
Obv. — Herakles, the lion's skin hanging from his shoulders,
advancing to r. ; in r. hand he brandishes club, in
extended 1. he holds bow. Before him " crux
ansata " (?).
Rev. — Phoenician inscription (D~fcy2^>). Lion springing upon
falling stag, all in dotted square. (Persic stater.)
86. Bev.— Three cuts. V. Fine. 11-23.
[PI. III. 10.]
MELEKIATHON.
392-361 B.C.
Obv. — Same type as above.
Rev. — Same type as above. (Persic tetrobol.)
87. Obv.— Weakly struck. Rev.— Two cuts. Fine. 3-53.
[PI. III. 11.]
PHOENICIA.
ARADOS.
Early Fourth Century (Hill).
Obv. — Head r. of male deity, laureate ; eye in full, border
represented by line instead of by dots.
Rev. — Phoenician inscription (tf O). Galley r. ; below, three
wavy lines ; the whole in incuse square bounded
below by crescent- shaped depression (Hill, Phoe-
nicia, Series B). (Persic stater.)
88. Rev.— Cut . . Fine. 10-38.
[PI. IV. 1.]
Early Fourth Century to c. 350 B.C. (Hill).
Obv. — Similar head to previous stater.
Rev. — x £ Galley to r., as above. Style later ; probably
same issue as the following, but in this case the
numerals are off the flan. (Persic stater.)
89. Obv.— Two cuts. Slightly worn. 10-38.
c 2
20 E. T. NEWELL.
Obv. — Similar head to previous staters.
Rev. — -x -£. Galley as above (Hill, ibid., Series D).
(Persic stater.)
90. Eev.~ Punchmark, Fig. 1. 9. Fine. 10-78.
[PI. IV. 2.]
In these three staters our hoard corroborates Mr. Hill's
conclusions that their issue must have been slightly
earlier than 350-332 B.C., the period to which M. Babelon
would assign them.
TYRE.
420-400 B.C. (Babelon).
Obv. — Melqarth riding r. on hippocamp with curled wing ;
with r. he holds reins, with 1. strung bow ; below,
two lines of waves and dolphin r.
Rev. — £. Owl standing r., head facing ; over 1. shoulder
crook and flail. (Phoenician stater.)
91. Obv.— Cut. Rev.— Two cuts . . Good. 13-21.
[PI. IV. 3.]
Circa 400-312 B.C. (Hill).
Obv. — Melqarth as before.
Rev. — Owl as before. Flat fabric. (Phoenician stater.)
92. Obv.— Crack. Rev.— Cut . . . Fine. 13'56.
[PI. IV. 4.]
The dies of both the foregoing coins are placed at
right angles to each other. M. Babelon's dating for
No. 91 seems to me more in accordance with the evi-
dences of our find than Mr. Hill's. For No. 92 Mr.
Hill leaves a possible margin of 68 years, but the occur-
rence of a specimen of this type in our hoard places its
issue in the first quarter of the fourth century B.C., for,
as I hope to show later, the hoard was buried about
380 B.C.
A GILICIAN FIND. 21
SATEAPAL (?) ISSUE IN PHOENICIA.
UNCERTAIN MINT.
Obv. — Bearded and wreathed male head to r., eye seen
from the front. No border.
Rev. — Ahura-Mazda to r. ; wears turreted crown and
mantle which falls below waist ; body terminates
in sun disk from which four wings extend. No
border. (Phoenician stater.)
93. Obv.— One cut Fine. 12-12.
[PI. IV. 5.]
This seemingly hitherto unpublished stater is some-
what of an enigma. In fabric it reminds us, perhaps,
most strongly of the staters of Arados, being lumpy
with rounded edges. Also the hair of the head is repre-
sented by dots as at Arados, but the beard by straight
lines. Whose may this head be, with its highly indi-
vidualized features ; is it god or satrap ? The former
is certainly the most likely, as it lacks the satrapal
bonnet. Like the Melqarth of the Aradian staters it
is wreathed, it is dignified in bearing and in its flowing
beard — for the time being we may therefore consider it
as a representation of that god. The reverse type is
certainly Persian, and immediately reminds us of the
Ahura-Mazda figures on certain coins struck by Tiribazos
in Issos, Mallos, and Tarsos. The style and workman-
ship, however, are decidedly not Cilician, but purely
Eastern and savouring strongly of Phoenicia. The
weight, too, may be taken as that of a light Phoenician
stater (the heavy gash may account for this lightness).
Where and by whom was it struck? Unfortunately,
no legend helps us to answer this question. As the
Phoenician weight standard seems never to have been
used in Cilicia or on the Island of Cyprus, Phoenicia
22 E. T. NEWELL.
alone remains. Arados is suggested by the style and
fabric, but, on the other hand, the Phoenician standard
is not found in the coinage of this city.
By its types our coin is satrapal in character. I
would see in it, therefore, the sole survivor of an issue
struck in some city of the Phoenician coast by some
satrap (or Persian king) preparing an expedition either
against Cyprus or against Egypt. The actual date of
issue is placed by the style of the coin itself about the
commencement of the fourth century B.C. Perhaps
we might refer it to Sidon (where also the Phoenician
standard of weight was employed) at the time — 396 B.C.
— when by special order of the Great King the vassal
king of this city fitted out an expedition of eighty
warships to assist Conon against the Spartans.9 With
even greater probability we might refer the coin to
the years 389-387 B.C., when Artaxerxes made his great
attempt to recover Egypt for the Persian Empire.
Phoenicia was undoubtedly used by him as his base
of operations. Here were collected the supplies of men
and food for the army in the field, and here, as so often
happened in Cilicia under similar circumstances, a special
coinage might well have been issued by the Great King
or his generals for the payment of the troops.
SIGLOI OF THE PERSIAN KINGS.
SERIES I. — ATTRIBUTED TO XERXES, 486-465 B.C.
Obv. — King of Persia bearded, crowned, kneeling r. on one
knee ; at his back, quiver ; in r. long spear, and
in his outstretched 1. a bow.
9 G. F. Hill, Cat. of the Greek Coins of Phoenicia, xciv, § 38, and
note 3.
A CILICIAN FIND. 23
Rev. Irregular oblong incuse. (Persian siglos.)
94. Obv.— Stab. Rev.— Stab ; three punch-) Worn. 5-50.
marks, Fig. 1. 10-12 . .] [PI. IV. 6.]
95. Rev. — Five cuts ; punchmark) -^ _ , ^
obliterated . . . .}
96. Sep.— Stab „ 5-51.
97. On edge, Fig. 1. 16, three times repeated.) - -~
Rev.— Punchmark, Fig. 1.13-15] "
SERIES II. — ATTRIBUTED TO ARTAXERXES I, 465-425 B.C.
98. Obv.— Cut. Rev.— Cut . . . Worn. 5-50.
99. Obv. — Stab. Rev. — Three cuts ; punch-) .. ,fi
mark, Fig. 1. 17 . . .5
100. Obv. -Stab. Rev.— Punchmark, Fig. l.\ , AQ
19 5 "
101. Obv.— Cut. Rev.— Two cuts . . „ 5'54.
102. Rev. — Indistinct punch-) „ 5'50.
mark j [PI. IV. 7.]
SERIES III. — ATTRIBUTED TO ARTAXERXES II, 405-359 B.C.
103. Good. 5-53.
[PI. IV. 8.]
104. Rev. — Crescent-shaped punch . Worn. 5'50.
105. Obv. — o, ^^. Rev. — Cut ; punchmark,) 5>4g
Fig. 1. 20 ... .)
106. Obv. ^. Rev. Two cuts. . . „ 5-55.
107. Obv.— Punch : ^. Rev— Two cuts . „ 5'46.
108. Rev.— Three cuts ; punch, o Worn. 5 -41.
109. „ 5-49.
110. Rev.— Two cuts . . . Fine. 5'44.
[PI. IV. 9.1
24 E. T. NEWELL.
SERIES IY. — UNATTRIBUTABLE BECAUSE OF POOR
WORKMANSHIP.
111. Obv.— Fig. 1. 21, twice repeated . -j Worn 4-91
Eev.— Fig. 1. 22 J
112. Obv. — Fig. 1. 38, and stab . . •) » 5'46-
Rev.— Three cuts and Fig. 1. 23, 24, 25, > [PI IV. 10
and) . . (Rev.).']
113. Eev.— Stab . . Worn. 5-50.
[PL IV. 11.]
114. Obv.— Crescent punch . .) Worn 5.4o
Rev. — Obliterated punchmark . .$
115. Rev.— Two cuts and Fig. 1. 26 . „ 5-42.
116. Rev. — Three crescent punchmarks ,, 5-05.
117. Rev.— Two cuts „ 5-40.
118. Rev.— Six cuts and Fig. 1. 27 . „ 5*44.
119. Pierced. Obv. — Circular punch . .) _ , _
Rev.— Cut 5 "
120. Obv. Crescent punch and Fig. 1. 28 .) ^.^
Rev. — Fig. 1. 29, twice repeated . .)
121. Obv.— Stab. Rev.— Three cuts . . „ 5'51.
SERIES V. — UNATTRIBUTABLE BECAUSE OP WEAR.
122. Rev. — Nine cuts . Worn. 5-48.
123. Obv.— Fig. 1. 30. Rev.— Three cuts . „ 5 '54.
124. Obv.— Stab. Rev.— Two cuts . „ 5'51.
125. Obv— Fig. 1. 31 )
Rev. — Two cuts and obliterated punch 5 "
126 Rev.— Four cuts and Fig. 1. 19 „ 5'40.
127. Obv. — Several indistinct punchmarks .) _ -9
Rev.— Six cuts 5 "
128. Obv. — Stab and Fig. 1. 32, and ^ .) g.39
Rev. — Five cuts ; obliterated punches .3
129. Obv.— Fig. 1. 19, 28 . . . .) 6.5g
Rev. — Two cuts and Fig. 1. 33 . .5
130. Obv.— Stab. Rev.— Three cuts . . „ 5'34.
131. Fragment. Obv.— Fig. 1.4 . .\ 9.ftn
Rev.— Fig. 1.34 > "
. Itev. — Stab, and Fig. 1.) Tir K ,.,
, . \ Worn. 5-43.
and 4 . j
A CILICIAN FIND. 25
SERIES VI. — ATTRIBUTED TO ARTAXERXES III, ARSES,
OR DARIUS.
Obv. — The king of Persia bearded, kneeling r. on one knee ;
in outstretched 1. he holds bow, in r., drawn back,
a dagger.
Eei: — Irregular oblong incuse. (Persian siglos.)
132. Obv.— Three cuts, and Fig. 1. 35, 32, 36. Worn. 5-67.
133. Eev. — Two cuts and two ). „ 5-61.
134. Eev.— Six cuts „ 5-60.
135. Eev.— Two cuts . 5-52.
[PI. IV. 12.]
136. Obv.— Stab.
37
137. Obv.— Fig. 1. 38. Eev.— Cut, and Fig.) „ 5-37.
1. 4, 39, and goat recumbent Lj [PI. IV. 13.]
138. Obv.— Fig. 1. 40. Eev.— Three cuts . Worn. 5-49.
139. Obv.— Stab. Eev.— Gut . 5-49.
140. Eev.— Two cuts . . „ 5-27.
141. Obv.— Stab. Eev.— Stab and Fig. 1. 38 „ 5'54.
The attribution (as proposed by M. Babelon) to
individual rulers of the darics and sigloi of the Achae-
menid sovereigns has not, as yet, been definitely
accepted. It is only the close observation and study
of finds of these coins that will prove the theory one
way or the other. I have, therefore, taken particular
pains to arrange the forty-eight sigloi of our hoard
on the lines laid out by M. Babelon in his Traite,
vol. i. pp. 257-264 ; vol. ii. pp. 37-72. On the whole,
this has been of considerable difficulty as these sigloi
have not only suffered severely by long circulation but,
in addition, have been badly disfigured by stabs, punch-
marks, and chisel cuts. They fall into the following
26 E. T. NEWELL.
six groups: I., II., and III. attributed by M. Babelon
to Xerxes (486-465 B.C.), Artaxerxes I (465-425 B.C.),
and Artaxerxes II (405-359 B.C.) respectively ; IV.
contains those — designated by M. Babelon as " types
banaux " — which are impossible to assign to individual
kings on account of inferior workmanship ; V. contains
those which the vicissitudes of circulation have made
indecipherable; VI. those on which the king is repre-
sented holding a dagger or short sword in his right
hand. Groups IV. and V. may be left out of considera-
tion. Groups I. to III. support M. Babelon's theory in
so far as they have been assigned to sovereigns who
reigned before the probable burial of our hoard, and
because the coins of group III. (Artaxerxes II) are, on
the whole, less worn by circulation than I. (Xerxes) and
II. (Artaxerxes I). But with group VI. we meet a
serious difficulty. This type, particularized by the dagger
in the king's hand, M. Babelon has distributed among
the three kings, Artaxerxes III (359-338 B.C.), Arses
(338-337 B.C.), and Darius III (337-330 B.C.), accord-
ing as the features of the king vary on the coins. With
our coins long circulation and poor striking combine to
preclude the possibility of distinguishing these varia-
tions, and so they have been collected in a single group.
This also makes it more convenient in discussing the
group as a whole. Now we have seen that the very
latest coins of our hoard, that can be dated with any
degree of certainty, are those struck by Tiribazos, circa
386-384 and 381 B.C. Besides, there are six or more
groups of autonomous coins which cover the period 400-
350 B.C., but in every case I have endeavoured to show
that the coins in this find are of comparatively early
style, and so could not have been struck after 380 B.C.
A CIL1CIAN FIND. 27
at the latest. This point will be taken up later. It
would, therefore, controvert all the strong evidences of
a burial about 380 B.C., which the remainder of our
coins present, if we should accept the attributions of
group VI. as suggested by M. Babelon. In dating
these sigloi, as he does, between 359 and 330 B.C. we
should have a series of coins struck anywhere from
thirty to forty years after the latest in the find — a
numismatic anomaly impossible to explain. We must
also note that these sigloi are worn by circulation,
about in a similar degree to those of group III.,
and so must antedate by some ten years the hoard's
burial.
All our sigloi had evidently been in circulation for
many years along the coasts of Lycia, Cilicia, Cyprus —
some had even been out to India and back — before their
final owner saw fit to bury his little hoard. Among the
punchmarks with which their surfaces are pitted we
find the tetraskelis (Lycia or India), the " crux ansata "
(Cilicia and Cyprus), Fig. 1. 33, the so-called " taurine
symbol" (India),10 Fig. 1. 19, so often found on Sas-
sanian bronze coins, and on one (No. 137) a goat of the
type peculiar to Kelenderis. No. 94 had certainly
been in India, for on it we see the Elephant punch-
mark so common to the flat, punchmarked puranas of
Indian numismatics, we have also the letter forms Fig. 1.
11 and 10, very similar to " gha " and " ta " of the
Kharosthi alphabet. Furthermore, we have what appear
to be letters of the Brahma alphabet : Fig. I. 32 or
16 (97), 40 (138), 24 (112), 31 (125), S7 (136). The
10 For the Indian provenance of the majority of these punchmarks
see E. Rapson, " Countermarks on Early Persian and Indian Coins,"
J.R.A.S. for October, 1895.
28 E. T. NEWELL.
Fig. 1. 18 (99) may be either a Brahma or a Kharosthi
character. Several other more or less obscure characters
seem to be variants of these alphabets.
These punchmarks were undoubtedly private signs of
various merchants and bankers ; the stabs on these
sigloi were also probably private safeguards against the
possible presence of a copper core ; the cuts, on the other
hand, I would suggest, were carried out by some one in
authority. It is a curious fact that whereas the punch-
marks and stabs occur indiscriminately on obverse or
reverse, the mutilating cuts are found almost invariably
on the reverse only. Of the forty-seven sigloi of the
hoard there are only three exceptions to this rule. In
two cases the coins are so badly worn and blurred by
previous punches that, in the hurry of defacing them,
it might have been almost impossible to distinguish the
obverse from the reverse. In the third case the cut is very
slight and has the appearance of accident rather than
of design. Moreover, this rule applies only to the sigloi ;
the remainder of our coins have the cuts indiscrimin-
ately on obverse or reverse. Is this a coincidence?
Otherwise the mutilation of the coins must have been
carried out under Persian authority, and it was found
inexpedient as well as sacrilegious to disfigure the
image of the great king. That this prejudice is real,
witness the fact, in our own twentieth-century times,
when, it is stated, the Kussian authorities saw fit to
withdraw the new stamps celebrating the four hundredth
anniversary of the Eomanoff family because the post-
marks obliterated the royal portraits which these stamps
bore. The further discussion as to the significance of
these chisel cuts will be taken up in the resume*.
A CILICIAN FIND. 29
KESUME.
On looking over our little hoard one is immediately
impressed by the wide limits it embraces ; for in it are
found represented the coinages of Syracuse, of Athens,
and of various cities and islands along the coasts of Asia
Minor and Phoenicia. A closer inspection will reveal
that, after all, only three varieties predominate :
Athenian " owls," Persian " archers," and the issues of
certain cities and Persian satraps in Cilicia. It is these
latter that give our hoard its chief characteristic. For
as the Athenian tetradrachms were everywhere current
along the shores of the Mediterranean, and the Persian
sigloi throughout Asia Minor and Syria, it is the Cilician
coins — other data being wanting — that definitely place
the locality where the hoard was once deposited. For
these are purely local issues, the coinages of small
autonomous cities, or of Persian satraps temporarily
collecting troops and stores in their vicinity for distant
expeditions. From the nature of things, their circula-
tion could never have been very extensive nor their
quantity large, and so, by their predominance over the
coins of other Asiatic cities in our Find, they must
determine the district where their former owner buried
his little treasure. Incidentally it is certain that Prof.
Haynes spent three years at the Central Asia College
at Aintab, Turkey-in-Asia, and that during this time
he often had occasion to visit Adana and other modern
Cilician towns. It is most likely that in the course of
one of these trips he secured the Find in question.
In discussing the actual coins I have tried to empha-
size the fact that our hoard, in its contents, seems to
revolve about the year 380 B.C. Some of its coin-groups
30 E. T. NEWELL.
definitely come to an end by 380 B.C. ; the coins which
belong to groups usually roughly assigned to the first
half of the fourth century B.C. are in every case of
early style and so must be attributed to the first two
decades of this century ; in the very few cases, e.g.
Tlos, where certain of our coins are sometimes dated later
than about 380 B.C., there seems to be considerable un-
certainty among numismatists, some authorities placing
them before, some after, this date. The latest coins of
undisputed date are those struck by the satrap Tiribazos
at Mallos and at Soli between the years 386 and 380 B.C.
This was the period during which the famous satrap
was mobilizing the Persian forces in Cilicia against
Evagoras I, King of Salamis.11 In 380 B.C. Tiribazos
died and Pharnabazos was appointed commander-in-
chief of the great forces now being collected in Cilicia
and Phoenicia against the recalcitrant King of Egypt.12
During the course of the year 379-378 B.C. he took up
his post and spent several years in recruiting the army.
It is probable that very shortly after his arrival he
inaugurated the abundant series of Cilician coins which
bears his name.13 In 378 B.C. Datames was appointed
as his colleague and struck coins of identical types, but
signed with his name. Now, as stated above, the latest
coins in our hoard are those of Tiribazos. These,
together with the contemporaneous autonomous issues
of Soli and Mallos, are all in very fine or mint condition.
On the other hand, our hoard contained not a single
specimen of either Pharnabazos' or Datames' very
11 Died. Sic., xv. 2 ft. 12 Ibid., xv. 29, 41-43.
13 The types are: Obv. Head of Arethusa (?) facing. Rev. Bearded
and helmeted head of Ares (?). Behind, name of Pharnabazos in
Aramaic.
A CILICIAN FIND. 31
common coins. What more probable, therefore, than to
suppose the hoard was buried during the troublous times
between the Cypriote expedition of Tiribazos and the
arrival of Pharnabazos ?
Owing to the unfortunate loss of Prof. Haynes' notes
it is impossible to say whether we possess the find intact
or not. If our hoard was buried much after §| | B.C. it
is certain that it would have contained at least a few
examples of Pharnabazos' and Datames' comparatively
common coinages. Prof. Haynes was more or less inno-
cent of any very deep knowledge of numismatics. It is
very doubtful, therefore, if he would have been able to
select from a find only the scarcer varieties of Cilician
coins — in other words, such as we have before us. It is
much more probable that he would have avoided the
common and very poorly preserved Persian sigloi and
Athenian tetradrachms and have taken instead the pro-
bably far better preserved staters of Pharnabazos. On
the other hand, the hoard does not have the appearance
of the relics of a " picked over " lot ; such rarities as
Nos. 1, 59, 61, 69, 71, 72, 73, 84, 85, 93, &c., would not
then have fallen into Prof. Haynes' hands. The most
convincing argument in favour of our supposition that
we have the find intact before us, is that every variety
of coin we should expect to be circulating in Cilicia at
just this period, 386 to 380 B.C., is represented. There
are no noticeable gaps to make one suspect that the
hoard has not come down to us as it was buried. I
think we are therefore justified in basing our conclusions
concerning the probable date of burial on the total
absence of Pharnabazos' coinage.
Of the 141 coins which compose the hoard 114 are
disfigured by what is generally known as " test cuts " —
32 E. T. NEWELL.
deep incisions probably made with some chisel-like
instrument. For some unknown reason this practice
seems to have been particularly common in Cilicia.
The generally accepted explanation of these cuts is that
they were tests for copper cores — the usual expedient
of ancient counterfeiters in making their debased and
spurious coins. In the majority of cases this is probably
correct, but for our coins this explanation will hardly
suffice. Instead of one cut (which would have been
ample to detect the presence of 'a copper core) often as
many as five or six, sometimes even more, disfigure the
coin in a most effective fashion. The thoroughness of
these mutilations seems premeditated, and suggests the
explanation that, in the present case, these multiple
cuts were intended to make the coins unfit for further
circulation — in other words, to demonetize them once
for all. Pharnabazos, on his arrival in Cilicia to take
over the supreme command of the Persian forces against
Cyprus, would naturally follow what was fast becoming
a customary habit of Persian satraps under similar
circumstances, namely, to issue a coinage bearing his
own name and types for the pay of the soldiery. Bullion
at this time may have been more or less scarce in the
satrapal coffers, certain it was that the previous cam-
paigns in Cyprus had been long and arduous, and, in
addition, had not been crowned with startling success.
As a result of this probably very little booty had been
brought back to replenish the war-chests of the Persian
generalissimo. To tide over the period until fresh
supplies of bullion arrived from Susa (where the royal
treasures of the Persians were stored), Pharnabazos may
well have had recourse to the expedient of melting down
the current coin to furnish immediate material for his
A CILICIAN FIND. 33
own issues.14 The old coinages of Tiribazos, the auto-
nomous issues of Cilician cities, and such foreign coins
as happened to have arrived in Cilicia by trade, were
disfigured and then sent to the melting-pot. Our little
hoard, for some unknown reason, has escaped this last
fate, but the truly vicious chisel cuts are only too plain
to be seen.
After all, whatever these cuts may signify, the chief
interest of our hoard lies in its contents. For here we
have a brief summary of such moneys as were at one
time current in the Satrapy of Cilicia, among the soldiers
of the Great King and his Greek subjects, in the stirring
days of Tiribazos the Satrap.
I would like to express my sincere thanks to Mr.
G. F. Hill who in editing this paper very kindly called
my attention to certain articles and notes which have
considerable bearing on the subject.
E. T. NEWELL.
14 A piece of corroborative evidence that Pharnabazos, and perhaps his
successor Datames, followed this policy of melting down the old coins
for their own issues, lies in the fact that, while their coins are to-day
exceedingly common, those of Tiribazos are very much the reverse. This
is surprising when we remember that Tiribazos was twice in Cilicia,
and for six years was busily engaging in collecting troops, stores, and
ships for his military expeditions. His issues ought, therefore, to have
been most abundant in order to enable him to defray the enormous
expenses of his military preparations.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV.
II.
ON THE COINAGE OF COMMODUS DUKING
THE EEIGN OF MAJRCUS.
(See Plate V.)
THE early coinage of Commodus presents a very difficult
chronological problem. It is only when we come to his
fourth consulate, which coincides with the third year of
his tribunician power, that we are on really firm ground.
This year is quite certainly dated 179 p.C. Previous
to this there is much confusion. I propose to exhibit as
accurately as I can the various changes of title which
appear on the coins, and to make some attempt at a
solution of the questions that arise.
The earliest appearance of Commodus on the coinage is
upon a large bronze medallion 1 [PI. V. 1], where his head
appears, with that of his brother Annius Verus, on the
obverse, with the inscription COMMODVS CAES. VERVS
CAES. The reverse is one which reappears in the coinage
of Commodus in later years — a group of figures sym-
bolical of the four seasons, with the inscription FELICITAS
TEMPORVM. Commodus is recorded by Lampridius2
to have received the title "Caesar" on October 12, 166.
His brother Verus died in 170. The medallion, therefore,
belongs to the period 166-170, and we may reasonably
1 Cohen, III. p. 169 (2nd ed.), Comm. et Annius Verus, 1.
2 H. A., vii. 11, § 13.
COINAGE OF COMMODUS DUE1NG REIGN OF MARCUS. 35
conjecture that it was struck to commemorate the
elevation of the two brothers to the rank of Caesar.
The next coin in the series is the medallion 3 which
has already been given among the coinage of Marcus for
173, having on the reverse a youthful bust of Commodus
with the inscription COMMODVS CAESAR GERM. ANTONINI
AVG. GERM. FIL. This medallion was probably struck to
commemorate the bestowal of the title Germanicus upon
the emperor and his heir. The title was actually given,
according to Lampridius,4 on October 15, 172, but Eckhel's
report 5 of a Germanicus-coin for that year does not
seem to be confirmed. In any case the title did not
become habitual for some years.
The first coin issued in the sole name of Commodus
is a rather small medallion [PI. V. 2] which I describe
from an example at Berlin : 6
JEm. Obv.— COMMODVS CAES. AVG. FIL. Youthful bust
r., loricate, paludate.
Rev. — PONTIF. Cultella, bucranium, apex, and sim-
pulum.
The inscription and type alike indicate that the medal
was struck to celebrate Commodus' admission to the
pontificate. Here again the invaluable Lampridius
comes to our aid.7 " Adsumptus in omnia collegia sacerdo-
talia sacerdos XIII. M. Invictas Pisone Juliano coss," i.e.
January 20, 175. One of the " collegia sacerdotalia " was
3 Cohen, III. p. 133, Harc-Aurele et Comm., 2 : see Num. Chron., 4th
Ser., Vol. XIII. p. 190.
« H. A., vii. 11, § 14.
5 Eckhel, vii. p. 59. The question of the title Germanicus is dis-
cussed in the previous article, Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. pp. 189
sqq.
6 Cohen, III. Comm., 599. " H. A., vii. 12, § 1.
D 2
36 C. H. DODD.
that of the Pontifices. This medal, therefore, can be
fixed to the early part of 175 p.C.
The next fixed point in the coinage is the beginning
of the first consulate of Commodus, which is definitely
dated to 177 p.C. Here he is still plain " Caesar
Augusti filius" We may now examine the intervening
coins. The obverse inscriptions give CAES. AVG. FIL.
GERM, and CAES. AVG. FIL. GERM. SARM. Now, both these
fresh titles appear on the coins of Marcus during the
twenty-ninth year of his tribunician power — December
10, 174, to December 9, 175. It will be worth while
to exhibit again the proportional numbers of coins of
Marcus with the various titles, as represented by the
Berlin collection :
TR. P. XXIX. IMP. VII. COS. III. P.P. . . .21)
GERM. TR. P. XXIX. IMP. VII. COS. III. P.P. . ll! oq
GERM. TR. P. XXIX. IMP. VIII. COS. III. P.P. . ll
GERM. SARM. TR. P. XXIX. IMP. VIII. COS. III. P.P. 6J
This suggests May or June for the assumption of
the title GERM., and September or October for GERM.
SARM. Eoughly, then, we may date the coins of
Commodus with GERM. June to September, 175, while
for those with GERM. SARM. we have no means of dating
from the titles between October, 175, and December, 176.8
For the former period the Berlin collection possesses only
three coins, for the later twenty-five.
Turning to the reverse types, we find that the
commonest among those of the former period is that
of a Congiariuin, with the inscription LIBERALITAS AVG.9
On corresponding coins of Marcus we have a figure of
Liberality, with the inscription LIBERALITAS AVG. VI.
8 See Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. pp. 292 sqq.
9 Cohen, Comm., 291-294.
COINAGE OF COMMODUS DURING REIGN OF MARCUS. 37
The reference is no doubt the same, and the Congiarium
is to be identified with that at which Commodus presided
adhuc in praetexta just before his departure for the
limes, 10 i.e. about June, 175. This corresponds with the
the conjectural dating of these coins.
The other important type of this group is as follows : n
N. Obv— COMMODO CAES. AVG. FIL. GERM. Youthful
head, bare.
Eev. — PRINC. IVVENT. Figure in tunic, cloak, and
boots, standing 1., holding in 1. hand sceptre,
in r. hand bough ; to r., trophy.
On the specimen I have seen in the British Museum [PI.
V. 3] the figure looks like a fernale,-recalling the Virtus-
type which later becomes common ; and as the inscription
stands for PRINCIPI (not PRINCEPS), it does not neces-
sarily identify the figure ; but on the whole it is probable
that it is intended to represent the young Commodus
himself, and this is apparent on other coins of this class
in other metals. The bough which he holds is the laurel
of victory, and the trophy behind him has the same
significance. But the chief chronological interest lies
in the fact that the coin is dedicated COMMODO
PRINCIPI IVVENTVTIS. Lam pridius lla records that Com-
modus was " cooptatus inter printipes juventutis, cum
togam sumpsit." The latter event we know took place
on July 7, 175,12 so that this coin again is closely dated,
within the period already conjecturally fixed on the
basis of numerical proportions.
I now pass to the later, and much larger, group of
coins with GERM. SARM. Here we have in the first place
repetitions of the types we have already observed, and
10 H. A., vii. 2, § 1. ll Cohen, I.e. 605.
"a H. A., vii. 2, § 1. 12 H. A., viii. 2, § 2 ; 12, § 3.
38 C. H. DODD.
variations of them. The Princeps Juventutis types are
very prominent : 13
N. Obv.—COMMODO CAES. AVG. FIL. GERM. SARM.
Youthful head, bare.
Eev.— PRINCIPI IVVENTVTIS. Altar, inscribed FORT-
REDVCI.
This appears to connect itself with the FORT. RED.
coins of Marcus given by Cohen14 for the year 176.
Another type with similar reference is the following : 15
M2. Eev.— EQVESTER ^
ORDO /
PRINCIPI \ in laurel wreath.
IVVENT 1
S.C. )
Other types proper to the heir to the throne occur —
Hilaritas16 and Spes Publica.17 The following also
repeats an early coin of Marcus before his accession : 18
JE2. Obv— COMMODO CAES. AVG. FIL. GERM. SARM.
Youthful bust r., paludate.
Rev. — PI ETAS AVG. Cultella, aspersorium, ewer, litum,
simpulum.
The cult-implements have reference to the sacerdotia
held by the prince.
These types exhaust by far the greater part of the
coins of this group. There is nothing in them to indicate
any special date. The following, however, connects itself
with the coinage of Marcus, and with the history : 19
3 Cohen, I.e. 601-602.
4 Cohen, Marc. Aurele, 210, and especially 939.
5 Cohen, Comm., 104-105.
8 Ibid., 215-217; cf. M. A., 230-233.
7 Ibid., 708-712 ; cf. M. A., 600.
8 Ibid., 401-406; cf. M. A., 450. See Num. Chron., 4th Ser.,
Vol. XI. PI. I. 8. 19 Cohen, Comm., 76-78.
COINAGE OP COMMODUS DURING REIGN OF MARCUS. 39
JR. Obv.— COMMODO CAES. AVG. FIL. GERM. SARM.
Youthful bust r., paludate.
Rev. — DE GERMANIS. Trophy ; at foot of which, to
1., female figure, seated 1. on shield in
attitude of grief ; to r., male figure, apparently
nude., seated r. on shield, with hands behind
back.
This coin belongs to the issue which celebrated the
conclusion of the Germano-Sarmatian Wars. Sarmatian
coins of Commodus are apparently not known, but this
type, and one with DE GERM, and a pile of arms, clearly
belong to the series, and are to be dated to 176 p.O.
One more type of this group may be mentioned.
It becomes fairly frequent in the later coinage of
Commodus : ^
JE1. — Obv.— L. AVREL. COMMODO CAES. AVG. FIL. GERM.
SARM. Youthful bust r., paludate.
2Jey. — IOVI CONSERVATORI S.C. Jupiter, nude, stand-
ing L, holding in 1. hand sceptre, in r. hand
fulmen ; the uplifted hands cause the robe
to spread widely behind ; to 1. Commodus
(on small scale), togate, standing L, holding
in r. hand Victory, in 1. hand scroll [PI. V.
4]-
The type has no parallel among the coins of Marcus for
this period. Its significance is obvious.
Finally,' there is an interesting type which though not
identical with any type of Marcus himself for this year,
falls into place in the history of the period : a
.V. Obv.— COMMODO CAES. AVG. FIL. GERM. SARM.
Youthful bust r., paludate, loricate.
Eev. — ADVENTVS CAES. Commodus on horseback r.,
raising r. hand.
-° Cohen, II. Comm., 243-244. 21 Cohen, I.e. 1-2.
40 C. H. DODD.
This coin preserves a record of the return of the
emperor and his son from the East in the autumn of 176.
On the coins of Marcus, the same type, without inscrip-
tion, appears on coins of the thirty-first tribunician
year (i.e. 177), and the same event is commemorated in
the type of a galley with the inscription FELiCiTATi
AVG.22 This type appears in 177, and is paralleled by
a coin of Commodus' first consulate ; but there is no
need to date the present coin within Marcus' thirty-first
year of tribunicia potestas.
The coins with CAES. AVG. FIL. GERM. SARM., therefore,
are in no case earlier than July, 175, and in all cases
which can be definitely dated fall within 176.
We now come to the coins of the first consulate,
which falls in 177 p.C. The inscription COS appears
on all coins up to the beginning of the second consulate
in January, 179, and for the present I will treat all with
this inscription as forming a single group. Within this
group appear the following varieties of titular inscrip-
tion (I append the number of each variety at Berlin) : 23
(i) ... CAES. AVG. FIL. GERM. SARM. COS. . 4*
(ii) IMP. CAES. ... GERM. SARM. TR. P. COS. . 4
(iii) IMP. CAES. . . . GERM. SARM. TR. P. II. COS. 4 )
(iv) ... AVG. GERM. SARM. TR. P. II. COS. P.P. . 9 [= 14
(v) ... AVG. GERM. SARM. TR. P. II. IMP. II. COS. P.P. 1 j
(vi) ... AVG. GERM. SARM. TR. P. III. IMP. II. COS. PlP. 1*|
. AVG. TR. P. III. IMP. II. COS. P.P. . . 16*[=21
. AVG. COS. P.P 4 J
43
22 Cohen, M. A., 368, 188. See Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII.
pp. 308 sq.
23 * jn each of these cases there is one more coin which is hypo-
thetically attributed to the group in question, but which is not suffi-
ciently legible to make the attribution certain.
COINAGE OF COMMODUS DURING REIGN OF MARCUS. 41
The order of the seven groups is clearly chronological,
and represents seven stages in the development of the
titulature between January 1, 177, and December 9,
178. It will perhaps be best to consider the later
stages first, as here it is easier to obtain certain dating.
The fourth trib. pot. begins with the second consulate
practically ; there are, however, a few coins (see Cohen,
224) with TR. P. nil. IMP. II. COS.; whence we may
conclude that by this time, at any rate, the tribunician
year of Commodus began normally, i.e. on December 10,
three weeks before the beginning of the consular year.
If we now regard TR. P. III. as a normal tribunician year,
we have a rough division of the total number of coins
into two equal parts, representing two years, within the
first of which fall two tribunician periods. Here is the
crux. We have, in the first place, to verify the hypo-
thesis, which is already supported by the proportions of
the coins, that the third tribunician period was a normal
year. This can be done by a comparison with the
coinage of the thirty-second tribunician year of Marcus,
extending from December 10,177, to December 9, 178 p.C.
We have already seen that during this year Marcus
drops the titles GERM. SARM. — and very early in the
year, for Cohen gives very few coins for this year bearing
these titles, and the Berlin collection has no such
specimen. Similarly, among the coins of Commodus for
the third tribunician period, only one (or possibly two)
of the specimens at Berlin bears the titles GERM. SARM.
On the remaining sixteen examples with TR. P. Ml. it is
missing, while there are four other coins without any
tribunician number and also without GERM. SARM.,
which almost certainly belong to the same tribunician
period ; in any case, the huge majority of coins of this
42 C. H. DODD.
tribunician period are without GERM. SARM. The con-
clusion is that the third tribunician period of Commodus
coincides with the thirty-second of Marcus, i.e. with the
year December 10, 177/8 p.C.
Further, among the coins of Commodus with TR. P. II.
COS. there is one out of a total of fourteen which bears
also the inscription IMP. II. Now we saw that the coins
of the thirty-first tribunician year of Marcus testified to
a renewal of the imperatorial salutation within the
last month or two of that period, i.e. about the begin-
ning of November, 177.24 (The proportions are: with
IMP. VIM— 37 ; with IMP. Vim. — 6, of which 3 have same
type.) The ninth salutatio of Marcus must surely
correspond to the second of Commodus. It follows that
in November, 177, Commodus was still TRIB. POT. II.
This leaves it practically certain that the third tribuni-
cian period of Commodus coincided with the thirty-second
of his father, and with the year December 10, 177/8 p.C.
Of the types belonging to this year, the great
majority are mere " repeats." One only is an entirely
new introduction, a figure of Liberty with her Phrygian
cap, inscribed LIBERTAS AVG25 [PL V. 5]. The type has
no analogue in the contemporary coinage of Marcus, and
it would be difficult to discover the special reason for
its introduction, unless it has some relation to the
legal reforms with which Marcus was occupied at this
time, and which are probably commemorated in his
Justitia type of the following year.26 The only other
fresh type of this year is a sacrifice-scene expanded from
a type of the second tribunician period (see below).
24 See Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XII. p. 306.
25 Cohen, Comm., 330-333.
2« See Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. pp. 313-314.
COINAGE OF COMMODUS DURING REIGN OF MARCUS. 43
The coins inscribed simply COS. with AVG. and P.P.
are in all probability to be dated to the year 178, since
they lack the titles GERM. SARM.,27 and their types are
identical with those of fully dated coins of this year.
Working backwards into the second tribunician
period, we come first to the latest coins of that period,
those with the title IMP. II., corresponding with the
IMP. VI 1 1 1., which appears on the coinage of Marcus
towards the end of 177.28 Five types occur upon the
coins of Commodus for this period, of which three are
new introductions. The first is as follows : w
Jf. Obv.—L. AVREL. COMMODVS AVG. Youthful bust r.,
laureate, loricate, paludate.
Eev.— TR. P. II. IMP. II. COS. P.P. Youthful male figure,
wearing chlamys and conical cap, standing 1.,
holding in 1. hand reversed spear, and in r.
hand the bridle of a horse stepping 1.
The figure is clearly one of the Dioscuri, the patrons of
the ordo equester, of which, as yrinceps juventutis, Com-
modus had been the titular head, and does not appear to
have any special reference to contemporary events. The
second new type may have such a reference : *
J51. Obv.—L. AVREL. COMMODVS AVG. GERM. SARM.
Youthful bust, laureate, loricate, paludate.
Rev.— IVNONI SISPITAE TR. P. II. IMP. II. COS. P.P.
Female figure, with peculiar horned head-
dress and long robe, standing r., holding on
1. arm hexagonal shield, and with r. hand
brandishing javelin ; to r., snake coiled, head
extended 1. [PI. V. 8].
This type is a revival of one of Pius, who called it Juno
27 Cohen, Comm., 63-68. 23 See Num. Chron., I.e., p. 306.
M Cohen, Comm., 754-755. 3° Fold., 270-271.
44 C. H. DODD.
Sospita. The goddess belonged to Lanuvium,31 and so
was in some sort a patroness of Commodus, who, like his
grandfather, was a native of that town. She is here
represented as fighting for the emperor in the campaign
which won the second salutatio (cf. Marcus' fighting
Minerva and Jupiter Propugnator). But the third of
these new types is the most important historically : 32
^E1. Obv.— L. AVREL. COMMODVS AVG. GERM. SARM.
Youthful bust, laureate, loricate, paludate.
Rev.—VOTA PVBLICA TR. P. II. IMP. II. COS. P.P.
Male figure (apparently youthful = Corn-
modus), togate with cinctus Gabinus, standing
1., holding in r. hand patera over flaming
tripod.
This is clearly a companion to the similar type of
Marcus, which appears on coins of 177 with IMP. VI III.
and which I have taken to refer to the ceremonies
performed at the end of the year in preparation for the
emperors' departure for the front in 178.33 On coins of
Commodus (though not of Marcus) for the latter year,
the type is worked up into an elaborate sacrifice-scene for
a bronze medallion [PI. V. 6] ; the figure of the emperor
sacrificing stands before a hexastyle temple, accompanied
by a victimarius with a bell, a camillus, a flute-player,
and figures representing attendant priests and the crowd
of citizens and soldiers.34
We now come to the kernel of the difficulty — the
31 See article on " Juno Sospita of Lanuvium," by Miss E. M. Douglas,
in J. E. S., vol. iii. part 1.
32 Cohen, Comm., 931. I have not seen the type on coins of this
year. I describe it after the examples in the British Museum and the
Berliner Miinzkabinett, dated to 178.
33 See Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. pp. 303-309.
34 Cohen, Comm., 977.
COINAGE OF COMMODUS DURING REIGN OF MARCUS. 45
coins with four different stages of titulature, all of
which have to be brought in between January and
November (or thereabouts), 177. I will first endeavour
to establish correspondences between coins of this group
and coins of Marcus' thirty-first tribunician year.
We are not helped here by any parallel titulary
changes, for Marcus' titles are quite constant through-
out the year. We must, therefore, have recourse to
the types. Take first the following coin ; I supplement
the inscription of a worn specimen at Berlin from
Cohen : 35
JE1. Qbv.—\MP. CAES. L. AVREL. COMMODVS GERM.
SARM. Youthful bust r., laureate, loricate,
and paludate.
.Rev.— LIBERAL IT AS AVG. (exergue), TR. P. II. COS.
(margin), S. C. Congiarium scene : two
figures seated 1. on curule chairs upon
platform, extending r. hand ; behind them,
also on platform, figure standing 1. ; to 1.
female figure in diadem, X<,TOJI>, and i/m-rioi/,
standing 1., holding in 1. hand cornucopiae,
and in r. hand abacus; to 1. of platform,
man mounting steps r., extending sinus of
robe.
This is the ordinary congiarium type, representing the
emperor and Commodus with the praetorian prefect
and Liberality. An identical type appears on the
coins of Marcus for this year, with the inscription
LI BERALITAS AVG. VII. The seventh Liberality of Marcus
is probably to be identified with this one of Commodus.
The inscription, in spite of the two figures, must be read
" Liberalitas Augusti" for the Commodus coin belongs
to the third stage of this year's titulature, when Com-
modus had the title Imperator, and had entered upon his
35 Cohen, Comm., 299.
46 C. H. DODD.
second tribunician period, but was not yet Augustus.
This fact forbids the identification of the Congiarium
here represented with the one labelled 36 LIBERAL(ITAS)
AVGVSTOR(VM). without any number (the latter bears
no tribunician date). Cohen gives another coin of Corn-
modus (296) with LIBERALITAS AVG. II., and a somewhat
abnormal Congiarium type : it is cited from Eollin's
catalogue, a not too reliable source ; and the tribunician
date is obliterated. He further gives a coin similarly
inscribed, with the type of Liberality, bearing the same
titles as the one described above. Evidently this coin
belongs to the same event, and apparently it corre-
sponds with the coins of Marcus bearing the same type
and the inscription LIBERALITAS AVG. vii.37 About
the identification of the Congiarium Cohen is some-
what confused here, and indeed appears to contradict
himself. Eckhel (vol. vii. p. 106) identifies it with
the one given on the occasion of the marriage of
Commodus with Crispina, mentioned by Capitolinus 38
between the bestowal of the tribunician power upon
• Commodus and the outbreak of the " triennial " war with
the Marcomanni, Hermunduri, Sarmatae, and Quadi, i.e.
the " expeditio Germanica secunda " of 178-180. The
marriage is mentioned by Dio (Ixxi. 33) in the same
place in the order of events. Eckhel (p. 106) gives a
coin of Commodus and Crispina :
Obv.— IMP. CAES. L. AVREL. COMMODVS GERM. SARM.
Gaput laureatum.
Rev. — CRISPINA AVG. — Caput Crispinae.
But the great medallion commemorating the marriage
3a Cohen, M. A., 427. 3r Ibid., 421-422.
38 H. A., iv. 27, § 8.
COINAGE OF COMMODUS DURING REIGN OF MARCUS. 47
given by Eckhel (p. 107) and by Cohen (Crisp, et Comm.
3) has IMP. COMMODVS AVG. GERM. SARM. [PI. V. 7];
and Cohen knows no medal of Conimodus and Crispina
in which the AVG. is absent from Comrnodus' style.
Indeed, the coin given by Eckhel cannot be accepted,
for it is impossible that Crispina should be Augusta when
her husband was not yet Augustus. The coins, therefore,
do not confirm Eckhel's identification of the Congiarium,
though they do not, of course, by any means exclude it.
At the same time the fact that Crispina only occurs
on coins with AVG. rather suggests that the marriage of
Conimodus was associated with his elevation to the
rank of Augustus. The marriage, we are told, was
hurried on because of the pressing nature of the
troubles on the Danube. The same motives would
lead to the complete restoration of the collegiate
character of the Empire by the investiture of Corn-
modus with the supreme title. It may be worth while,
therefore, to consider whether any other identification
is possible. Capitolinus mentions in the chapter (27,
§§ 4-5) already cited that a Congiarium was also
distributed on the occasion of Commodus' investment
with the tribunician power. His language is — " Romam
ut venit, triumpliavit. Exinde Lanuvium profectus est.
Commodum deinde sibi collegam in tribuniciam potes-
tatem junxit ; congiarium- populo dedit" &c. The date
of the triumph was December 23, 176.39 The succeed-
ing events must have happened early in 177. The
LIBERALITAS AVG. VII. of Marcus might therefore equally
well be referred to this occasion, which is probably to
be identified with the distribution of 200 drachmae
to each citizen mentioned by Dio (Ixxi. 32 : cf. the
39 H. A., vii. 12, § 5.
48 C. H. DODD.
order of events in the two authors). But there is a
fresh difficulty if one further goes on to identify the
Congiarium of Commodus TR P. II. COS. with this one, for
it apparently took place immediately upon his investi-
ture with the tribunician power, i.e. one would suppose
in the first and not the second tribunician period. In
any case it appears that we have two concjiaria for a
period during which only one is represented on the
coins, unless, indeed, we take the undated LIBERAL.
AVGVSTOR. of Marcus (which certainly falls within this
year or the next) to represent a different congiarium
from the LIBERALITAS vu. of Marcus and II. of Com-
modus. With this I will leave the question of the
Congiaria for the present. There are other and greater
difficulties.
But to return to the types. We may take next a
group associated with the Germano-Sarmatian triumph,
which are more or less common to Marcus and Com-
modus. Take first the following reverses : 40
1. TR. P. II. COS. (margin), DE GERM, or DE SARM. (ex-
ergue). Pile of arms.
2. TR. P. II. COS. (margin), DE SARM. (exergue). Trophy ;
at base two captives (both apparently female) seated
on ground ; one to r. of trophy is seated r. in attitude
of grief, and the one to 1. of trophy is seated 1. with
hands behind back.
These are found with the obverse inscription IMP.
CAES L.AVREL. COMMODVS GERM. SARM. The types are
also found as follows, with obverse inscription IMP. L.
AVREL. COMMODVS AVG. GERM. SARM.
1. TR. P. II. COS. P. P. (margin), DE GERMANIS (exergue).
Pile of arms.
40 Cohen, Comm., 79-92, 95-103.
COINAGE OF COMMODUS DURING REIGN OF MARCUS. 49
2. TR. P. II. COS. P. P. (margin), DE GERM, or DE SARM.
(exergue). Trophy and captives as above.
These types are identical with types of Marcus for
176-177, and are also represented on coins of Commodus
for the period October, 175, to December, 176 (with
titles CAES. AVG. FIL. GERM. SARM. and without COS.)4011
The following type of Jupiter Victor, again, which occurs
with the obverse inscription IMP. L. AVREL. COMMODVS
AVG. GERM. SARM., is identical with a type of Marcus for
177 : 41
Eev. — TR. P. II. COS. P.P. Jupiter, nude to waist, with
robe hanging behind from shoulders and falling
over knees, seated ]., holding sceptre in 1. hand
and Victory in r. hand.
The same inscription accompanies the ordinary type
of Victory with palm and wreath which appears on the
coins of Commodus as on those of Marcus for 177.
The actual triumph, which on the coins of Marcus is
represented by a complete triumph scene, and also by
the type of the emperor enthroned holding a laurel
bough and sceptre, is represented among issues of
Commodus by the following medallions and coins : 42
MR\ Obv.— IMP. CAES. L. AVREL. COMMODVS GERM.
SARM. Youthful bust r., laureate, paludate,
with aegis on breast.
Rev. — TR. POT. COS. (exergue). Quadriga, decorated
with reliefs, the horses stepping 1. ; within,
Marcus and Commodus standing 1., each hold-
ing branch ; the car is preceded by a soldier
walking 1., looking backwards, holding spear
in r. hand ; above, Victory flying L, carrying
trophy.
40a Cohen, Comm., 76-78, 93-94. «' Ibid., 744.
« Ibid., 738, 749-750.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. E
50 C. H. DODD.
^EI. Obv.— IMP. CAES. L. AVREL. COMMODVS GERM.
SARM. Youthful head r., laureate.
Rev. — TR. P. II. (upper margin), COS. (exergue), S. C.
Quadriga, decorated with reliefs, stepping 1. ;
within, Commodus standing 1., holding in r.
hand sceptre, surmounted by eagle ; behind
him in car apparently a small figure.
The group of coins associated with the triumph of
December 23, 176, therefore, covers three stages in
the development of the titulature — IMP. CAES. with
TR. POT., IMP. CAES. with TR. P. II,, 'and AVG. with TR. P. II.
— all corresponding to Marcus' TR. P. XXXI.
COIN OP COMMODUS (Paris).*3
It remains to notice the coins of the first consulate
which have neither IMP. norTR. P. The most noteworthy
of these is the following : 43
^2_ 06u.— COMMODO CAES. AVG. FIL. GERM. SARM. COS.
Youthful bust r., paludate.
Rev. — FELICITATI CAES. (on upper margin), S. C. (ex-
ergue). Galley with six rowers and steersman
moving over waves 1. ; objects on prow and
stern not recognizable. [Cohen gives standard
and banner on stern, mast with sail on prow.]
43 Cohen, Comm., 118. Cohen gives the false, and indeed impossible,
reading GERM TR. P. COS. The coin in the Cabinet de France,
which is reproduced above, shows the reading GERM. SARM. COS.
beyond doubt, although the first letter of SARM. is obliterated by
wear, and the R seems to have been faultily cut.
COINAGE OF OOMMODUS DURING REIGN OF MARCUS. 51
This is the corresponding type to Marcus' FELICITATI
AVG., and celebrates the safe voyage of the emperor and
his son from the East at the close of 176.44 It is just
what one would have expected, that this type belongs
to the earliest group of the coins of the first consulate,
though, according to Cohen, it overflows into the second
group. The only other type . on these earliest coins
worthy of note is the following : 45
Obv.— COMMODO CAES. AVG. FIL. GERM. SARM. COS.
Youthful bust r., loricate and paludate.
Rev.— PR I NCI PI IVVENTVTIS. Clasped hands holding
standard resting on prow 1.
This type has no parallel among the coins of Marcus
for this year. It recalls the clasped hands with
caduceus and ears of 176, and the clasped hands in-
scribed CONCORD. EXERC. of 175. Possibly the female
figure with orb and standard of 177 is a Concordia
Exercituum, though it is more like Fides.
This type as well as others of the early group
(Hilaritas, &c.) would seem to connect with the coinage
of previous year, and this is quite marked in the case
of the inscriptions. Everything is identical with the
coinage of 175-6, except the addition COS., which shows
that the coins certainly belong to the period after
January 1, 177. Here comes the fatal conflict with
the literary authorities. Nothing is clearer than that
all the coins we have examined with COS. fall into place
in the thirty -first tribunician year of Marcus, and if we
applied our usual canon based on the proportion of coins
4* See Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. p. 302.
45 Cohen, Comm., 603-604.
E 2
52 0. H. DODD.
in each group, we should draw the following con-
clusions :
IMP. and TR. POT. appear (together) about February, 177.
TR. POT. II. appears about April, 177.
AVQ. P.P. appear (together) about June, 177.
IMP. II. appears about November, 177.
Lampridius, however, states quite plainly — "<<///
patre appellatua imperator V. Id. Ex8uperu/< l'"llione
at Apro cots." — i.e. November 27, 176 p.C., and in
another passage (2, § 4) he gives the date again, and
places it before the triumph. This, as Eckhel has
shown, can only mean that he was on this date en-
titled to use the praenomen imperatoria as his father's
roll, ,,Lr||,. jn (],,. r , ',,„!„ ritnn. Kurllicr, ( 'upi-
tolinus46 thus dates the beginning of the tribunician
power : " Romam ut venit, triumphavit. Exinde Lanuviutn
profectus eat. Commodum deinde sibi collegam in trilm-
nitiam potestatem junxit" This would make the begin-
ning of Oommodus' first TR. POT. fall not long after
December 23, 176 — say late in January or early in
February, 177. This in itself corresponds well enough
uitli Hire,, ins; I. ul it involves lu«. ns-iimpl ions nf tlic
trilnmiriiiii puwrr in it y«-nr.
There are therefore two difficulties : (a) the coins do
not r, ,-,,. MII/.- tli.- \\«-||-:iM.-|i-.| iiiNcslitnn- of( 'oniniodus
with the imperium on November 27, 176; and (6) the
coins, supported by the order of the narrative in the
B«<ma AII-JK ./", I.IIUM- tin- LciMlillin;/ c! I In- IUII',. POT.
early in 177, closely followed by the beginning of
TR. POT. ii., which gives place to TR. POT. in. in the
normal way, at the end of the year, so that we have two
//. A.t Iv. 27, §f 4-5.
COINAGE OF COMMODUS DURING REIGN OF MARCUS. 53
tribunioian periods in less than one year. Eokhel
accepts the evidence of the coins as it stands, supporting
it by the supposed example of the double TR. POT. in
192. This example, however, is no longer valid, for the
few coins with TR. P. XVIII. are now attributed to the
period December 10 to December .'U, ID'J, thi> bo^imuMi;
of a fresh tribunioian year. Eokhel was led astray, as
was Cohen also, by the idea that the tribunieiaii year
coincided with the consular. On the other side, we have
Klebs' Prosopographia (s.v. " Commodus "), which outs the
knot by rejecting the coins as inaccurate, and dating
the first TR. POT. November 27 to December 9, 170, in
defiance not only of the coins but also of the Life. I
do not quite know what Klebs means by the " inaccuracy "
of the coins. Surely the coinage is, under a settled
government, the most authoritative document \u> could
wish for. It is primary, other sources secondary.
Mommsen l7 attempts a solution which allows due weight
to both sources of evidence. He supposes that Capi-
tolinus is right in dating the beginning of the im^< rium
only on November 27, 17(5, and that of the tribunioian
power early in 177. Consequently the lirst trihuniciaii
period would be regarded as extending from (say)
January, 177, to December 9, 177. But soon November
27, 176, came to be recognized (somewhat as in the case
of Vespasian) as the <//<>• imp,-fi/ in the full sense, and
in consequence the tirst year of tribnnician power would
end on December 9, 176, and the remaining portion ol
176/7 would become TR. p. n. This hypothesis still
leaves open the question why the title IMP. does not
appear on the coins until 177. I do not see how the
« Staatarecht (Aufl. 8), II. p. 801« (p. 757* in original edition, 1875).
54 C. H. DODD.
question is to be answered. It would appear as if for
some reason Marcus did not regard the conferring of the
title of imperator as a complete measure. It was only an
instalment of the powers which were conferred upon the
heir to the throne, and awaited consummation by the
conferring of the tribunician power. The reason it was
conferred is clear from the context in the Life of
Commodus (2, § 4) : " Cum patre imperator est appellatus
V. kal Dec. die Pollione et Apro coss. et triumphavit cum
patre ; nam et hoc patres decreverant" No person could
triumph who was not in possession of the imperium.
Commodus had up to date held no office involving the
imperium (Prineeps Juventutis is of course purely
honorary). On his return from the victorious cam-
paigns on the Danube the Senate voted the suspension
in his favour of the Leges Annales and designated him
consul : this must be the meaning of the words " venia
legis annuariae impetrata consul est factus." But as his
tenure of the imperium did not begin till January
12, 177, a special vote conferred on him pro forma the
imperium proconsulare (which brought with it the title
IMPERATOR and was reckoned as a salutatio), to enable
him to take part in the triumph. Marcus would seem
not to have fully made up his mind to make the empire
again collegiate at once, and hence the tribunician
power was not conferred. But even so, it is not ex-
plained why the title IMP. does not appear on the triumph
coins. But it is without precedent since 23 B.C. for an
" Imperator" not to hold the tribunician power. On the
coins of Marcus himself the IMP. does not appear until
his accession to the sole empire in his fifteenth trib. pot.
This may possibly suggest a reason why Marcus with
his regard for the constitution shrank from allowing one
COINAGE OF COMMODUS DURING REIGN OF MARCUS. 55
who was not a colleague in the empire to bear in an
official way the title IMPERATOR.
In any case Mommsen's theory seems to be the only
one so far propounded which explains the coins while
allowing due weight to the literary authorities. Klebs
does justice to neither. We might suppose the case to
be somewhat as follows : In November, 176, Marcus and
Commodus had returned from the front. The emperor
wished that the Princeps Juventutis should share in the
triumph, and for that purpose caused the title Imperator
to be bestowed upon him by a vote of the Senate on
November 27. This, however, was not regarded as
having any effect upon the actual position of the prince ;
perhaps, indeed, it was merely a sort of anticipation of
the imperium which would naturally be his from
January 1 in virtue of his consulate, as seems to be
implied in the fact that the designalio to the consulate
precedes the appellatio imperatoris in the narrative of
the Life. The triumph took place duly on December 23,
and it is not surprising that the coins celebrating it did
not appear until after Commodus had entered upon his
consulate in January 1, 177. We may assume that for
this event the father and son remained in the city
(Eckhel takes one of the coins which I have attributed to
the triumph as a representation of the processio consularis
of that date). Then follows the retirement to Lanuvium,
and it was perhaps there, and in view of disquieting
news from the frontier, that the emperor matured the
design of raising his son to the same position which he
had himself held for fifteen years under Pius. The vote
conferring the tribunician power and the various pre-
rogatives associated with it was then passed, and the
heir to the throne was described, as Pius had been
56 C. H. DODD.
described during Hadrian's lifetime, as IMP. CAES. . . .
TRIE. POT.
But this is not the end of the changes of this year.
There was another step, which apparently has escaped
the notice of the biographers— the consummation of the
collegiate character of the empire by the elevation of
the Caesar to the rank of Augustus. After Commodus
had come to be recognized as the junior colleague of his
father, apparently it was decided that the recognition
should be antedated to the day on which the first step
had been taken — November 27, 176. As a December 10
now intervened, it followed that the present year was
the second of the tribunician power of Commodus, and
the fiction is perpetuated on the coins. One may
compare again the case of Vespasian, who threw back
his dies imperii to the date on which he had been
saluted imperator, though his recognition as emperor
and his acceptance of the tribunician power fell some
time later. It was apparently at no long interval after
this change that the status quo before the death of Verus
was restored, and there were once more two Augusti. I
have already suggested the strong probability that this
last step was taken on the occasion of Commodus'
marriage with Crispina, and it was doubtless hastened
from the same causes as the latter event. The growing
seriousness of the reports from the front would seem to
have forced Marcus against his will to rush through stages
at which he would have preferred to have stopped for
awhile. Having made sure of the succession of Commodus
by admitting him — sooner, even here, than he had
originally intended — to the tribunician power, he must
surely have intended that for a considerable period he
should hold the position which he had himself enjoyed
COINAGE OF COMMODUS DURING REIGN OF MARCUS. 57
under Pius, and Pius ^ under Hadrian. But the
weakness of his own health and the pressing nature
of affairs on the Danube led him to give up that idea,
and against his desire, to install Commodus as a full
emperor, in order that there might be perfect con-
tinuity in the government in case of his own sudden
decease with the war unfinished. The event proved
the wisdom of his precautions, while the reluctance
shown suffices to clear him of the aspersions commonly
cast upon him for thrusting a mere boy into the im-
perial power.
The salutation which closes the year — the second for
Commodus corresponding with the ninth of Marcus — has
already been noticed,49 and I have suggested that it was
for a victory gained by Bassaeus Rufus, the praefectus
praetorio, or some other of the commanders in the
provinces.
The question that remains for decision is that of the
Liberalitas (or Liberalitates) of this year. The coins give
TR. P. II and no AVG. If it was the congiarium distributed
when Marcus " Commodus sibi collegam in trib. pot. junxit "
one would have expected TR. P. ; if it was the one on the
occasion of his marriage one would have expected AVG.
The latter is, I think, the more serious objection. I
incline, therefore, to identify Commodus' second Libera-
litas, and Marcus' seventh, with the congiarium distributed
on the occasion of Commodus' receipt of the tribunician
power. After all there are extremely few coins with
TR. P. ; the interval was no great one, and if there were
48 Pius had the title of IMP. T. AEL. CAESAR ANTONINVS.
TRIB. POT. while Hadrian still lived, and at first was called IMP. T.
AEL. CAESAR ANTONINVS AVG. on his accession.
49 Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. p. 310.
58
C. H. DODD.
any coins struck during it with the Liberalitas, they may
well have been lost. For the Congiarium on the occasion
of Commodus' marriage, might not the LIBERAL.
AVGVSTOR. coin of Marcus serve? It has no TR. P., but
clearly belongs to this year (for before this year there
was only one Augustus, and after this year Marcus was
IMP. VI ill). The emphasis upon the fact that there are
two Augusti would suit the supposition that the occasion
of Commodus' marriage was also the occasion on which
for the first time since the death of Verus the empire
had two equal rulers.
If the above reasoning be accepted, the accompanying
TITLES OF MABCUS.
TITLES OP COMMODUS.
166 .
173 .
174— Dec. 10th
175— Jan. 20th
circ. June
July 7th
circ. Oct.
Dec. 10th
176— Dec. 10th
177— Jan. 1st
circ. Feb.
circ. Apr.
circ. June
circ. Nov.
Dec. 10th
Armeniacus p.m. tr. pot.
xx. imp. Hi. cos. Hi.
[Germanicus] tr. p. xxvii.
imp. vi. cos. Hi.
Tr. p. xxviii. imp. vii. cos.
Hi.
Germ. tr. p. xxix. imp.
vii. cos. Hi.
Germ. tr. p. xxix. imp.
viii. cos. Hi.
Germ. Sarm. tr. p. xxix.
imp. viii. cos. Hi.
Germ. Sarm. tr. p. xxx.
imp. viii. cos. Hi.
Germ. Sarm. tr. p. xxxi.
imp. viii. cos. Hi.
Germ. Sarm. tr. p. xxxi.
imp. ix. cos. Hi.
Germ. Sarm. tr. p. xxxi.
imp.ix. cos. Hi.
Caesar.
Caesar Germanicus Aug.
fil.
Caesar Aug. fil. pontifex.
Caesar Aug. fil. Germ.
Caesar Aug. fil. Germ.
princ. juv.
Caesar Aug. fil. Germ.
Sarm.
Caesar Aug. fil. Germ.
Sarm. cos.
Imp. Goes. . . . Germ.
Sarm. tr. pot. cos.
Imp. Goes. . . . tr. pot. cos.
Aug. tr.p. ii. cos.
Aug. tr. p. ii. imp. ii. cos.
Aug. tr. p. Hi. imp. ii. cos.
COINAGE OF COMMODUS DURING EEIGN OF MARCUS. 59
parallelism of coins of Marcus and Commodus may be
found useful.
From the commencement of his third tribunician year
the coinage of Commodus runs quite parallel with that
of his father, and presents no further difficulties.
C. HAROLD DODD.
III.
THE STEPPINGLEY FIND OF ENGLISH
COINS.
(See Plate VI.)
EARLY in September, 1912, a hoard of "Long-cross"
pennies was discovered in the Church of Steppingley
St. Lawrence, Bedfordshire. The Kev. C. Swynnerton,
who was at that time rector of Steppingley, has kindly
supplied the following details of the discovery. The
church is a modern building, but the pavement under
which the coins were found is old. This ancient floor,
paved with coarse red tiles 9 inches square, was left
as it was when the church was rebuilt sixty years ago,
and the present floor laid 4 feet above it. The coins
were found 1 foot below the ancient floor, about 10
inches or 1 foot from the north wall of the chancel, and
about 2 feet or so within it. They rested in the natural
hollow of a rough stone measuring about 2 ft. X 1 ft. 8 in.
X 10 in. He suggests that the hoard was deposited by
Peter di Vitella, who was rector from 1247 to 1273, or
during his long absence in Italy, where he died in 1273.
The hoard consisted of 498 pence and 33 halfpence,
of which there were 456 pence and 31 halfpence
English, 15 pence and 1 halfpenny Scottish, 12 pence
and 1 halfpenny Irish, 2 pence Continental, and 13
pence which, being unintelligible, we are unable to
THE STEPPINGLEY FIND OF ENGLISH COINS. 61
assign to any locality, although they were of the
general type of the long-cross coinage of England.
The English part of the hoard contained one short-
cross penny and one short-cross halfpenny; the
remainder consisted of 455 pence and 30 cut half-
pence of the long-cross coinage of Henry III. The
Scottish coins were all of the long double-cross issues
of Alexander III. The Irish were long-cross coins of
Henry III, and the two Continental bore the name of
Bernhard of Lippe. The short-cross penny was of the
type known as Class V. and was struck by Ledulf in
London, and the halfpenny was of the same type
curiously double struck, and read IOAN ON • • • •
obviously of Canterbury, the only place where the
name IOAN appears. The remainder of the coins do
not call for comment, and they are fully set out in the
list. It is satisfactory to know that the only two short-
cross coins were of Class V., as, with the exception of
the great Brussels hoard in Mr. Baldwin's possession,
this is the first deposit in which short-cross and long-
cross coins have been found together. In the Brussels
hoard, however, we understand all classes of short-cross
coins were present, whereas here we have, happily, only
examples of Class V. From records we know that the
short-cross coins were withdrawn on, or shortly after, the
issue of the new long-cross coinage.
In order to make the classification used in the find
intelligible, some few words of explanation are necessary,
as the paper dealing fully with the subject, and read
before the British Numismatic Society a year ago, is
not yet in print.1
1 This paper is now published in Brit. Num. Jmirn., vol. ix.
62 LAWRENCE AND BROOKE.
The arrangement of the various types to be found on
the long-cross coinage is guided almost entirely by
variations of the king's bust and by the obverse legend.
The moneyers' names, of which we have a complete list
in the appendix to John of Oxenede's chronicle, fur-
nishes us with full information in reference to the
provincial mints at the beginning of the coinage in
1248. From a knowledge of these provincial early
types we are able to decide on the early types of the
mints not included in the list, viz. Canterbury, London,
St. Edmundsbury, and Durham. The last mint need
not be taken into account, as there were no early coins
issued by it to our knowledge, and there were no
Durham coins in the find. Additional help is to be
found in the patent rolls which give us the dates of
appointment of nearly all the moneyers of London and
Canterbury. The mint of St. Edmundsbury is also
one of extreme usefulness, as has been shown by Mr.
Earle Fox, since this mint was only allowed one moneyer
and one set of dies at a time. By using all these sources
of information we are able to draw up a scheme of classi-
fication which in the main is thoroughly satisfactory,
and which is as follows (the varieties of type here
described are figured on PI. VI.) : —
The whole long-cross coinage is sharply divided by
the absence of the king's hand holding a sceptre in the
early coins and its presence in the later ones. The
coins without the hand and sceptre are divided into four
groups, excluding one issue without mint-name, obviously
London, reading hSNRiavs RQX on the obverse and
ANGUS TeRQl on the reverse.
I. Coins without a money er's name, reading hQNRiavs
RSX ANS on the obverse and the continuation of the
THE STEPPINGLEY FIND OF ENGLISH COINS. 63
obverse legend on the reverse, thus US T6RCU LON, CAN,
AQD : mint-mark, star and crescent.
II. Coins reading on the obverse hQNRiavs RSX T6RCLI,
the moneyer's name and that of the mint forming the
reverse legend : mint-mark, star.
The bust on both these groups is a well-defined
one, with a pointed beard and a couple of curls on
either side of the head. The crown consists of a
flat band, with a central ornament and two large end
pellets.
III. Coins reading hSNRlOVS RQX in. This large
group is further subdivided by the shape of the bust
into —
(a) A head like those in group II.
(&) A smaller and rounder head.
(c) A bust usually showing some neck and with a
pellet between the upper and lower curls on each side
of the head. A colon : is generally found in type (e)
between RQX and III, whereas one pellet only is the rule
in the earlier types (a) and (&). Mint-mark, star on all
groups.
Division I. is entirely confined to the dominant
mints, London, Canterbury, and St. Edmundsbury.
Division II. occurs on coins from these mints and on
many provincial coins. Division III. is represented at
all the mints except Durham.
Coins with the sceptre are capable of division into
four main groups.
IV. Coins precisely like those of Division III. but
with a sceptre in the king's hand which divides the word
RQX from the numeral III; in other words, the title RQX
is just outside the sceptre. The legend begins at the
top of the coin as on the non-sceptre pieces, and the
64 LAWRENCE AND BROOKE.
mint-mark, star, is present. The king's eyes are round.
These coins are very rare.
V. A large group, in which the sceptre divides the
obverse legend between III and the king's name. The
legend begins on the left side of the head and the mint-
mark is removed.
These coins are further subdivided —
(a) Bust with round eyes, usually crescents inter-
spersed among the curls, a crown of which the central
ornament reaches the level of the letters of the legend
above it, called a high crown, the letter A formed with
a curved and ornamental initial stroke, and the R with
an ornamental tail. The $ as noted.
(b) Like (a), but with Jft.
(c) As the last, but the king's eyes are oval.
(d) A differently formed bust made from different
irons. The most noticeable feature is the crown, which
has a well-defined fleur-de-lis as a central ornament and
half lis as end ornaments in place of the pellets before
referred to. (New crown.)
(e) Coins which exhibit most of the peculiarities of
group (d), but in which the band of the crown is double
and is ornamented with a row of pearls. (Pearled
crown.)
(/) Here the crown is again altered and is made with
a plain double unornamented band. The old-fashioned
pellet endings used in (a), (&), and (c) are reverted to, but
the central ornament shows a short stumpy fleur-de-lis,
which hardly ever reaches the level of the bottom of the
legend. Eows of tiny pellets are generally seen by the
line of the cheek and under the chin and single large
pellets between the curls. Three pellets thus | are often
found before the first letter h of the king's name ; h itself
THE STEPPINGLEY FIND OF ENGLISH COINS. 65
has usually a well-marked tail. The R differs in form
from the earlier one, and the 3C is what Burns in his
Scottish Coinage called curule-shaped.
(g) In this type the doubling of the band of the crown
finally disappears, otherwise the whole type is very like
that of (/). The pellets before h, are not unknown,
though seldom to be found. The central ornament on
the crown is sometimes a well-formed lis, and sometimes
composed of three pellets gradually disappearing into
the band of the crown on later coins of this group.
Following this, Division V. contains some coins which
are obviously more carelessly worked where a trefoil of
three pellets marks the central crown ornament, and
which would appear to be a later form of coin.
Divisions VI. and VII. hardly concern us, as they are
Edwardian types of long-cross coins issued subsequently
to any coins in the find which is the subject of this
paper.
These coins with the sceptre are practically confined
to the four large mints which carried on the country's
money-making. There are now known a few very rare
coins with the sceptre bearing provincial names, but
they present difficulties which have not yet been over-
come. Thus most of them would not seem to be of the
same work as the ordinary coins, and names on some
are misspelt. Further, there is no mention of the
moneyers' names in the rolls as there is of the large
mints of London and Canterbury.
This, the latest find of long-cross coins, varies in some
particulars as regards its contents from other finds that
have been more or less carefully described. Coins from
all the mints except those of Durham and Shrewsbury
will be found noted in the list. Why representatives
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. F
66 LAWRENCE AND BROOKE.
of these places should be absent no adequate reason
occurs to us. Perhaps coins of Durham and Shrewsbury
are of some degree of rarity, but they are certainly not
less common than coins of some of the other mints
figuring in the list. The small number of coins found
may be the chief reason, as it probably is for the absence
in the list of many moneyers' names under the provincial
mints. The coins of Canterbury give us the names of
all Canterbury moneyers previously known. There are
four absentees from the list of London, viz. Davi,
Eobert, Thomas and Phelip. Of these, Davi certainly
should have been in evidence as the coins bearing the
name are quite common, and he was at work during the
period covered by the find. Phelip should as certainly
be absent, as his appointment was not gazetted until
1278, long after the latest coin in the hoard.
The mint of St. Edmundsbury, the key to the whole
situation, supplies us with 13 coins, of which 10 bear the
name of John and 3 the name of Kandulf. The first
John held office at any rate from 1248, and struck coins
reading Rex Terci, also coins without the sceptre reading
REX 1 1 1, then coins with the sceptre and star mint-
mark, and lastly, early varieties of the ordinary sceptre
coins. In this find we get one " Eex Terci " coin and two
early sceptre coins bearing his name. He was followed
in 1252 by Randulf, of whom we also get three coins, all
early sceptre varieties. Then we get seven late sceptre
coins also bearing the name of John. These must be
given to John de Bernadise, the date of whose appoint-
ment 1265 we know. The earliest long-cross coin in
the find, one reading REX ANG of London, was struck in
1248. The short-cross penny of Ledulf of London and
the halfpenny of Joan of Canterbury will throw the
THE STEPPINGLEY FIND OF ENGLISH COINS. 67
date back a little, we do not know exactly how much,
but both coins were of the latest variety of the short-
cross coinage. The later limit of the find is more
certain. John II of St. Edmundsbury was appointed
in 1265, and Richard of Canterbury (an archiepiscopal
rnoneyer) in 1268. Coins by both these men were pre-
sent in the hoard. There were no coins of Phelip or
late ones of Kenaud, whose die Phelip took at London,
nor were there any late types at St. Edmundsbury, so
that so far as the English coins go, shortly after 1268
is as near as we can approximate to the date of burial of
the hoard.
The slight evidence to be gleaned from the Scottish
coins points to the same conclusions. They were all
absolutely contemporary with English coins present with
them in the hoard. The few Irish coins again are worth-
less in proving anything as regards the date of burial.
We are thus left with the Continental sterlings bearing
the names BSRNh/RDV, III' and B'6RN DV B', the former
of which has a blundered attempt at the legend RiCffiDON
LVND on its reverse, while that of the second coin bears
the legend he^|RiO|NLV|NDS. These are attributed by
Chautard (Monnaies du Type Estcrlin) to Bernhard III of
Lippe, 1229-1265, so that here again the Continental
sterlings are within the period fixed by the English coins
and are of no use for dating purposes. We must, there-
fore, consider that the hoard under description represented
currency issued and in use from shortly before 1247 to
some time, possibly a year, after 1268, a period about
twenty- one or twenty-two years.
F2
68
LAWRENCE AND BROOKE.
TABLE OP LONDON, CANTERBURY, AND BURY COINS m THE
STEPPINGLEY FIND.
I.
in.
v.
V.
a
b
c
l)
c
d
e
f
Sth
LONDON— 3
NICOLE .
HENRI
3 2
4
1
6
12
3
3
11
4
1
7
8
DAVI ....
RICARD .
9
1
1
5
3
1
1
2
5
5
WILLEM .
3
1
1
lOhS ....
5
WALTER .
THOMAS .
ROBERT .
123
RENAUD .
PHELIP .
__
.
CANTERBURY-
NICOLE .
1
6
6
6
6
2
Mu
e.
1
8
WILLEM .
GILBERT .
ION (or lOhS) .
ROBERT .
2
1
1
5
1
1
1
3
13 1
6
12
6
1
10
4
3
24
3
WALTER .
13
ALEIN
2
AMBROCI
2
RICARD .
BURY ST. EDMUNDS-
ION .
1
2
f
1
RANDULF
JL
RENAUD .
STEPHANE .
r
ION (or lOhS) .
IOCE
THE STEPPINGLEY FIND OP ENGLISH COINS. 69
LIST OF COINS.
PENNIES.
SHORT-CROSS.
Class V.
LONDON.
1. LSDVLF ON LVN3
LONG-CROSS.
BRISTOL.
2. aLI|SON|BRV|ST . III. b (double-struck).
CARLISLE.
3. /OA|MO1N(X|>RL . . III. b.
EXETER.
4. IOM|CNQaC6(|TRQ . III. 6.
5, 6. ION|OM9|ace(|-Ra . III. 6 (2).
7. Phl|LIP|OMa|a<H . III. 6.
8. Phl|LIP|ON|Qaa . III. c.
9. RCB|eRT|osie(|aae( . III. 6.
10. wAT|eRO)NQa[aaT . in. b (?).
GLOUCESTER.
11. ICN|ON|GLO|Vae( . III. 6.
12. LVa|ASO|NG|LOV . III. 6.
13. RI<X|/RD|OMG|LOV . III. 6.
14-16. ROG|6RO|NG|LOV . II.,III.6,III.c(Re(X: III).
HEREFORD.
17. Ria|/RD|ONh|6RQ . III. b.
70 LAWRENCE AND BROOKE.
ILCHESTER.
18. hVG|acN|ive(|Lae( . in. 6.
LINCOLN.
19. ION|ONL|INCX|OLN . III. b.
20. ICN|CNL|INa| . III. 6.
21-23. Ria|/RD|CNL|INC( . III. a (2), III. 6.
NEWCASTLE.
24-26. heN|RIO|NNQ|W9a . III. 6, III. c (2).
NORTHAMPTON.
27, 28. LVa|ASO|NN|CRh . III. a, III. 6.
29, 30. Phl|LIP|OMN|ORh' . HI. b, III. c.
NORWICH.
31. hVG|QCN|NCR|WIZ . III. a.
32. ION|ONN|OR|WIZ . III. 6.
33. Wll_|LSM|ONO|RWI . II. (T6RC().
34-36. WIL|L6M|CNNiCRW . III. a (2), III. c.
OXFORD.
37. GQF|Rai|ONO|XCN . III. a.
38. GEFJR«I|CNO|XON . III. c.
39. WIL|L€M|CNO|XCN . III. b.
WALLINGFORD.
40, 41. RCB|6RT|CNW|ALI . III. b (2).
WILTON.
42. ION|ON|WIL)TCN . III. b.
THE STEPPINGLEY FIND OF ENGLISH COINS. 71
WINCHESTER.
43. hVG|QON|WINjCXha . III. c.
44. IVR|DXNjCNW|INa . III. b.
45. Nia|OLQjCNW|INa . III. b.
46. NiaOL9|ON|WIN . III. c.
[47-49. WIL|l_eM|CNW|INa . III. b, III. c (2).
YORK.
50. ieRQ|MlQ|OMSiVQR . III. a.
51. ieRQ|MI9|CNe(jVeR . III. b.
52, 53. ION|CNQ|VeR|Wia . III. a (2).
54. ICN|CNe(|VeRiWia . III. 6.
55. ReNiQRO|NSV|eRW . III. a.
56. TCM|ASO|N9|V6R . III. 6.
BURY ST. EDMUNDS.
57. ION|ONS'|e(DM|VND . II.
58, 59. ICNiCNS'iSCM|VlSD . V. a (2).
60. R/N|DVL|F:.OM|S'-QD . V. b.
61, 62. R/N|DVL|FCN|S'e(D . V. 6, V. c.
63-65. ION|ONS|SlN|TaD . V. g (3).
66. IOh|SCN|SSI|TQD . Y. g.
67-69. lOh SCN|SeN|TQD . V. g (3).
CANTERBURY.
70-101. Nia|OLQ|CNa|XNT . III. a, III. 6 (3), III. c
(6), V. a (6), V. 6 (6),
V. c, V./, V. 0(8).
102. Nia|OLQ|ON|axN . III. b.
103. NiaoreicNai/NT . m. &.
104, 105. Nia|OLQ|ONa|XNT . III. b, Y. c.
106-136. WIL|l_eM|CNa|yNT . III. b (2), III. c, Y. a (5),
137. WII_|l_eM|ONa!/NT . Y. c.
138. WIL|LQM1QON|KM . Y. c (with reverse of
Y. d).
72
LAWRENCE AND BROOKE.
139. GILB6R|TCN|/NT
140-149. GIL|B6R|TCN|aXN
III. c.
V. «, V. 6, V. c (4),
V. g (4).
150.
151.
GIL
B6R|
B6R
CNC(|
TON
/NT . V. c.
COW . V. c.
152-163.
164.
165-169.
ION
ION|
lOh
ON|a/N|T6R . V. b (2), V. c (9), V. g.
ON|a/N|T6R . V. b.
SON|aXN|T6R . V. c (3), V. g (2).
170,171.
172.
173-187.
188.
189-200.
RCBjeRT]
ROB|€RT
ROB|6RT
ROBGRT
ROBQR1
oNai
ONC
|o\a
|ON|
1ONC
XNT . Y. c (2).
( /NT .V. c.
I/NT . V. c (2), V. g (13).
CX/N . V. c.
(/NT . V./, V. 0(11).
201,202.
203.
WAJTQR
WA_|TGR
ONQ /NT . V. g (2).
|ONa|/NT . V. g.
204.
205, 206.
207, 208.
209-215.
216.
ALQ
A_Q|
AL0
ALQ
ALQ
INJlONai
NO|NCX|/*
eiN|oNa
IN'|CNa|/
INO|NOA
. V.0.
IT . V.0(2).
/NT . V. g (2).
NT . V. g (7).
/NT . V. g.
217,218.
/MB|ROC(|liCN|a/N . V.gr(2).
219, 220.
RIO
XRD|ONa>
NT . V.0(2).
LONDON.
221, 222.
223.
^h
SNRI
?>
avs
RSX/NG Ll9TeR|ai'.|LVN (2).
LiaiTeRiar. LON
224-227. NiaiOLQ|ONL|VND
228-230. NiaOLS|ONL|VhO
231-258. NI«!OLa|CNL|VND
259-261. NiaOL«|ONLlVND
262-290. heNRIO|NLV]ND6(
291. h6N RIO|N_V|ND
292,293. h6N|RIO|NLV|ND
294-296. h6N|RIO|NLV|NDe(
II. (3) (one reads TSRC(
for TSROI), III. a.
III. a, III. c, V. 6.
III. b (6) (one reads
hQVRiaVS), III. c (9),
V. a (2), V. b (10),
V. c.
III. b, III. c (2).
III. a (4), III. 6 (4),
III. c (2), V. a, V. 6
(4), V. c (6), V. 0 (8).
III. b.
III. &, III. c.
V. a (2), V. c.
THE STEPPINGLEY FIND OF ENGLISH COINS.
73
297-306. Ria/RDOML|VND
307-311. Riai/RDjONL|VND
312-315. WIL|LQM|CNL|VND
316-321.
322,323. IOh'jSONjl_VN|DeN
324, 325. IOh'|SCN|LVNiDeN
326. IOh'jSON|LVN|DQN
327-329. WA_TQR|CNL|VND
330. WA_T6(R|ONL|VND
331. WA_|T6R|ONL|VND
332-453. R6N AVD|CNL|VND
454. R6N|AVD|ONL|VND
455, 456. Uncertain moneyers.
III. 6 (?) (double-struck),
III. c, V. &, V. c (4)
(one reads RIQARQ),
V. g (3).
V. c, V. g (3).
V.c(2),V./(2),V.<K2).
V.c,V./.
V. c (2).
V.«L
V. g (3).
V. g (122).
V.g.
V.*(2).
UNCERTAIN MINTS.
457.
Nia|ION|NLV|xNT
\ J.-LJL. U
\ (broken)
J12-1 grs.^
•s_X
OS
-
458.
RID|>RD|CND|VM5
V. c.
15-4 grs.
•3
^)
<O
459.
/RiaiwoL|mia|c
Y. c.
20-6 grs.
ft
460.
/Ria|WlQ|RVG|T
ao
V. c.
18-3 grs.
•+J
461.
Ria|TVO|XRia|WlG
V. c.
18-4 grs.
fl
<o
462.
/Ria|WIL|RVG|OST
V. c.
20-0 grs.
1
463.
XRIL|VNa|/RILONa
V. c.
20-8 grs.
o
/-\
464.
Ria|Wia|TOL|RVG
V. c.
19-5 grs./ 0
465.
Niai — ICCON
— .
V. c.
466, 467.
ifi«
Uncertain
RHRIPRTI _
•
V n
Contemporary Forgery (?)
469. h6( NRI CVS R6(X III' DNI[aOLlSON|LVN 19'3grs.
Continental Deniers Esterlins.
470. BQRNh/RDV, III'
471. B'SRN DVB'
RIO OAL XRDJVND 17'2 grs.
heN|RIO|NLV|IDQ 18-7 grs.
74 LAWRENCE AND BROOKE.
SCOTTISH.
ALEXANDER III.
(Long Double Cross Issue.;
BERWICK.
472. IOh|AN|CNB|9R
473. IOh|AN|ON3|QR
474-476. IOh|AN|ON|BeR (3).
477, 478. IOh|AN|ON|BS (2).
479. WA|LTS|RCN|BeR retrograde.
480. WI|LL|CN3|e(R
EDINBURGH.
481.
TORRES (?).
482. WA|TeR[CNF|Re( :
STIRLING.
483. h9lx|R'OI|ST|}|V
484. h8N!RI|CNS|TR
UNCERTAIN.
485. WM|Wia|T€N|DeR
IRISH.
HENRY III.
(Long-Cross Issue.)
DUBLIN.
486-488. DAV|ION|DIV|6(LI' (3).
489-496. Ria|/RD|OND|IVe( (8).
497. Ria|/RDONO|IVS_
Contemporary Forgery (?).
498. Blundered. 13-2 grs.
THE STEPPINGLEY FIND OF ENGLISH COINS. 75
HALFPENNIES.
SHORT-CROSS.
1. IOANON . (Canterbury).
This halfpenny appears to have been tooled in
such a way as to extend the cross to the edge
of the coin, and so pass the coin as a long-
cross halfpenny ; but there is some doubt
whether this is the true explanation of its
strange appearance. It is now in the National
Collection.
LONG-CROSS.
GLOUCESTER.
2. [ROG|6RO|]NG|LOV . III. b. Same dies as
penny in B.M.
LINCOLN.
3. ICN CNL| | . III. &.
4. WAL|[T6R|ONL]|INa . II. Same die as penny
in B.M.
NORTHAMPTON.
? ?
5- [Phl]|LIP|ONN|[ORh] . III. 6.
CANTERBURY.
6. — |i_eM|(Na| — . v. c.
7. - - |SIN|CNa| . V. g.
8. ALfl|IN?| . V. g.
9-12. "Uncertain moneyers. III. & or c (?),V. a or 6 (?),
V. & or G (?), V. g.
LONDON.
13-15. Nia| |VND . V. a, V. 6 (2).
16. |OI_a|ONI_! . V. 6.
76 THE STEPPINGLEY FIND OF ENGLISH COINS.
17. h6N| ----- ISDS . V./.
18. Riaj
19. ILBMJCNLI . v. g.
20. |L6M|ONL| . V. g.
21, 22. R6N|AVD| . V. g (2).
23. R6N| |VND . V. g.
24. |AVD|CNL| . V. g.
25-27. Uncertain moneyers. II., III. a or b (?), V.
6 or c (?).
UNCERTAIN MINTS.
28-31. III. «, III. c (2), V. g.
SCOTTISH.
32. |ON| . Bust to right.
IRISH.
33. Ria[/RD|
L. A. LAWRENCE.
G. C. BROOKE.
IV.
OfTA'S IMITATION OF AN AKAB DINAR
(See Figure, p. 89.)
THE gold coin of Offa, which forms the subject of this
paper, formed lot 269 of the Carlyon-Britton Sale and
was acquired for the British Museum collection, which
already possessed one of the very few other known gold
Saxon coins (that of Wigmund, Archbishop of York,
837-854 A.D.).
It is only five years since Mr. Carlyon-Britton read a
long paper on this piece to the British Numismatic
Society, which was afterwards published in the British
Numismatic Journal, 1908, pp. 35-73. Mr. Carlyon-
Britton, after recapitulating the evidence, comes to the
same conclusion as Longperier and Kenyon, the previous
writers on this coin, namely, that it is a gold mancus
expressly struck for payment of Peter's Pence to the
Pope. In this paper I am approaching the question from
a different point of view, which may justify me in once
more discussing this important coin ; sufficient emphasis
has not been laid by previous writers on the fact
that the piece is an imitation of an Arab dinar, and the
conclusions to be drawn from this fact.
Previous writers have been content to take the piece
as evidence that Arab dinars circulated in England ; but
it is necessary to investigate whether Arab dinars were
known to Offa and how they came to England. It is
well known that enormous quantities of Arab coins have
78 J. ALLAN.
been found in the lands around the Baltic and in
Bussia, and we also know from the evidence of the Arab
geographers that there was a very busy trade, chiefly in
furs, between the Arabs and these lands. These coins
are found in Russia, Sweden, Norway, Pomerania,
Prussia, Denmark. The finds that have been made in
Iceland, Scotland, and England do not belong to the
same class as the preceding ; they are coins brought
from the Baltic lands by the Vikings, and are not
evidence of direct intercourse with Arab lands. The
remarkable feature of these finds, sometimes containing
10,000-20,000 pieces, is that they consist entirely of silver
coins ; one or two gold coins have been found in the
Baltic lands, but no such hoards as those of the silver
dirhems have been discovered. This is entirety in agree-
ment with the statement of Ibn Fazlan that the people
of the North used only dirhems and not dinars. Similar
evidence of the preference of the barbarians is given by
Istakhrl and for an earlier period by Procopius. The
suggestion that Arab gold coins reached England via
the Baltic may be dismissed for two reasons : one is
that they did not circulate in these lands, and the
second is that even the few finds of Arab silver coins
made in England did not reach England in the ordinary
course of commerce ; they belong to a period later than
Offa's reign, and are due to the migrations of the Vikings.
On the other hand, finds of Arab silver coins are practi-
cally unknown in South-West Europe with the exception
of Arab Spain. The object of this paper is to show that
Arab gold coins were well known in South- West Europe,
roughly the Carolingian Empire, and to show that it
was through the latter that Offa came to imitate a coin
struck at the other end of the known world.
OFFA'S IMITATION OF AN ARAB DINAR. 79
In the first place, let us examine the coin itself (Fig.,
No. 3). It is a copy of the coin of the Abbasid Caliph
al-Mansur, 754-775 A.D., struck in the last year of his
reign 157 A.H. = 774 A.D. (Fig., No. 1), with the ad-
ditional legend " Offa Rex " on the reverse ; the mint is
not stated. That it is a copy is evident from the fact
that the "Offa Hex" is clearly part of the same die as the
Arabic inscription, and not counterstruck, while although
the legends are closely copied from the Arabic original
there are a number of slips — chiefly omissions — which
show that the engraver was unfamiliar with his model ;
he was, however, a skilful workman and did his work
very faithfully. On the obverse the most notable point
is the bungling of the word *i«, (year), which an Arab
workman could never have done ; other points are that
the 9- of J^-I slopes the wrong way, and the y in the
first line of the obverse inscription is more of a cross
than it should be. On the whole, however, it is doubtful
if but for the " Offa Eex " the inscriptions would ever
excite comment among a number of contemporary dinars.
Three very important pieces to be studied with this
dinar are another dinar (Fig., No. 2) of the same year in
the British Museum (Cat. Or. Coins, I. p. 39, No. 24), a
second in Berlin (Nutzel, Ostl. ChaL, No. 633, barbari-
siert), and a third in Paris (Lavoix, Cat. Khal. Or., No.
604, fabrique barbare). The B.M. coin was first published
by Marsden, who called attention to the fact that the
legend was slightly bungled, and Mr. Lane-Poole in
his Catalogue likewise notes its remarkable features.
Neither, however, has any doubt as to its genuineness,
and it is undoubtedly, as has been suggested, a con-
temporary imitation. One feature common to this coin
and to the Offa piece has not, however, been properly
80 J. ALLAN.
emphasized. This is the border of dots ; as may be seen
from a comparison with the silver coins of Offa (Fig.,
No. 4), the border on the two gold coins, which is practi-
cally complete and well defined, is identical with that
on the former. Now, Arab dinars of this time have, as a
rule, no border, although on some of them a straight
ridge is formed by the edge of the die, which looks like
a border; on a very few specimens there do seem to be
traces of a border of dots of somewhat different style, but
it is clear that the great majority of specimens never had
any dotted border. The Paris and Berlin coins present
similar features, but in style resemble the Offa dinar
rather than the B.M. dinar. Now, it is remarkable that
the only coins, which can at once be said to be imitations
of dinars, should be of the same year, and bear this well-
defined border, and that this border should be identical
with that on Offa's silver coins, which was probably
suggested by the identical border on contemporary
Carolingian coins. This is probably evidence that the
barbarous coins of 157 A.H. were made in England or
France, and mark a stage in the development of the
Offa dinar. A reference to Queipo's table in his Systemes
Metriques shows that more dinars of the year 157 are
known than of any year in the second century A.H.
A comparison of the Roman letters on the gold coin
with those of the silver of the same king reveals a
great similarity. The characteristic of both is the
blobs at the ends of the letters, a feature which is
introduced, it might be noted, in the Arabic legends
also, although this may be due to an exaggeration of
a tendency in this direction in the original. The F,
R, and E in both are identical. The form of the A
found on the gold coin does not seem to occur on any
OFFA'S IMITATION OF AN ARAB DINAR. 81
of Offa's silver coins, but it is a well-known mediaeval
form. It may, however, be mentioned that the making
of the O half the size of the other letters on the coin
illustrated here is not usual on the silver, and most of
the latter have all the letters the same size. There is
then every reason to believe that the coin was struck
in England by Offa. OFFA REX is of course his usual
legend.
The only recorded instance of an Arab dinar being
found in Britain is the discovery of a dinar of the
Omayyad Caliph Hisham (724-743) at Eastbourne
(Num. Chron., IX. p. 85), but this can hardly be taken
as evidence that these pieces circulated in Britain.
Isolated specimens may have been brought to Britain
in various ways, but it can hardly have been from such
casual specimens that Offa imitated his piece. Nor does
it seem likely that, as has been suggested, Arab dinars
were brought from Spain. In the first place, we have
no records of such intercourse ; what relations existed
between the Moors of Spain and their Christian allies
were decidedly hostile ; besides, there is no particular
reason why Abbasid coins should have come from Spain,
which had an extensive currency of its own.
The balance of trade between East and West was,
moreover, against the West at this period; there was
little that the Arabs wanted to purchase from the West,
while there arose a keen demand for Oriental luxuries
in the West, a demand which rapidly exhausted the
extensive gold Merovingian and Visigothic currencies of
the fifth and sixth centuries. Arab money could hardly
have come to England and France in the course of trade
in any considerable quantities, as the few things required
by the Arabs would be more than paid for in imports.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. G
82 J. ALLAN.
The only country with which England had any
intimate relations in the eighth century was the Caro-
lingian Empire, and it is through the latter that the
dinar or dinars which suggested to Offa his gold piece
must have come. We will now inquire to what extent
these pieces were known in the Carolingian Empire.
We have considerable evidence to show that there
was much intercourse between the Carolingian Empire
and the East in the eighth century. Marseilles was
then a great centre for trade with the East, and Arab
merchants were settled there. Pilgrims went to Syria
in large numbers every year. Alexandria was the great
centre of the East, and it was thither that pilgrims and
merchants from Europe first went ; there, too, they con-
verted their gold and jewels into Arab money. The
remarkable purity of the latter rendered it unnecessary
to have it changed before leaving the East again ; it was
probably found a convenient form of hoarding wealth —
just as the English sovereign and £5 piece is in India
at the present day — and cannot long have remained
unknown in Western Europe.
The accounts of the interchange of embassies between
the Carolingian Emperors and the Abbasid Caliphs
may here be briefly summarized. In 768 Pepin sent
an embassy to Mansur, which returned three years
later accompanied by a return embassy. Similar
exchanges of courtesy took place, till in 797 Charle-
magne sent two ambassadors to Hartin al-Rashld; they
died on the journey, but their retinue returned in 801
with a return embassy laden with gifts, which were
officially presented to Charlemagne in Aachen in 802.
Contemporary chroniclers wax eloquent over the elephant
sent to Charlemagne by " Aaron, King of the Persians,
OFFA'S IMITATION OF AN ARAB DINAR. 83
who rules over almost all the East except India."
Einhart (ch. xvi), for example, says that it was the only
one Hartin had, but so great was his affection for " his
brother " Charlemagne that he at once sent it at the
latter's request. In the list of presents sent by the
Caliph, Saxo (iv, 89) expressly mentions " aurum " along
with gems, garments, scents, and all the wealth of the
East. This aurum was presumably coined money, and
must have formed a considerable portion of the presents
brought by previous envoys also. " So great was the
wealth brought by the Arab ambassadors," says the monk
of St. Gall (ii, 8), " that they seemed to have emptied
the East and filled the West." The return gifts sent
by Charlemagne included horses and dogs, the latter
being particularly prized. Charlemagne was on equally
good terms with the " King of Africa," and these rela-
tions were continued by his successors, for we find Louis
the Debonnaire receiving an embassy from the Amir
al-Muminm of Persia in 831.
As Weil has pointed out, these relations were probably
fostered by a common enmity against the Arabs of Spain,
who had been driven out of France by Charles Martel,
and against whom Pepin and Charlemagne waged con-
tinual war. Finds of Andalusian coins have been
made in France, but they do not concern this article
and are readily explained.
So far we have shown that there was much intercourse
between the Carolingian Empire and the East in the
eighth century A.D., sufficient to justify the assumption
that Arab coins must have been known in France
and might thence have reached England. We have,
however, contemporary evidence that this really was
the case. Theodolphus, who was sent in 797 by
G2
84 J. ALLAN.
Charlemagne on a tour through Provence, has described
his journey in a poem called the Paraenesis ad Judices,
in which he satirizes the corruptness of the judges;
among the bribes which they accept from litigants, he
mentions gold pieces with Arab legends.
" Iste gravi numero nummos fert divites auri
Quos Araburn sermo sive caracter arat."
Prou suggests that the few gold coins of Charlemagne
now known were originally issued to compete with the
Arab gold that circulated in France. It seems from a
passage in one of Longperier's essays, that finds of gold
Arab coins have been made in France, but he gives
no details. The only other gold coin of the period
that could vie in popularity with the Abbasid dinar
was the solidus of the Byzantine Empire, and a com-
parison of the number of gold coins of these two great
currencies of the period in any modern collection
shows that the Arab dinar must have had the greater
circulation. We are fortunate in having at least one
find of the period which illustrates the gold coinage of
the Carolingian Empire of the eighth and ninth centuries.
In 1857, during the erection of a bridge over the Keno
near Bologna, a number of gold coins were found eight
feet below the bed of the river. These were 41 By-
zantine solidi, 5 of Beneventum, and 13 dinars of the
Abbasid Caliphs al-Mansur, al-Mahdi, Harun al-Rashid,
and al-Amm, the latest coin being of Constantine
VII (813-820) and the latest Arab coin was dated
198 A.H. = 814 A.D. As a number of human bones were
found with the coins, and the coins could hardly have
been buried in the bed of the river deliberately, it seems
probable that the owner was drowned there while carrying
OFFA'S IMITATION OF AN ARAB DINAR. 85
his wealth with him. It was suggested by Dr. L. Frati,
who first described the find, that the owner was an Arab
merchant, but there is no real ground for supposing that
this was so. The main point is that this find shows
that about the end of the reign of Charlemagne Arab
dinars were current along with the Byzantine and Bene-
ventan gold coins in the Carolingian Empire.
It was probably mainly as a means of hoarding
wealth that these coins were esteemed in France, and
they probably did not circulate like contemporary silver
coins, as the fine preservation of gold coins of this period
in modern collections suggests. A certain number may
have been brought from France to England in various
ways, but it is unlikely that they were used much for
commercial transactions, chiefly because the balance of
trade lay on the other side. It is more probable that
these coins were first brought to Offa's notice in a more
remarkable fashion. We have already seen that both
Pepin and Charlemagne had received presents of great
value from the Caliphs al-Mansur and Hariin al-Rashid,
including large quantities of gold. It may fairly be
presumed that this gold was in the form of coined money
— dinars such as formed the original of this coin of Ofia.
Here we have a large quantity of gold dinars directly
imported into France, and the expenditure of the Arab
ambassadors during their stay in the Carolingian
dominions must have considerably increased the amount
of Arab money in the country. That there was a good
deal of intercourse between England and France about
this time is clear from the correspondence between
Charlemagne and his " very dear brother " Offa regard-
ing English pilgrims to Rome (pilgrims were exempt
from customs' dues on their way through France, and
86 J. ALLAN.
Charlemagne's tax-collectors very greatly suspected a
good many English pilgrims of being merchants, who
carried on their business, under a guise of piety, without
paying the legal dues). Charlemagne and Offa were on
terms of great friendship except for a brief period of
estrangement ; many presents are known to have passed
between them ; for example, in 795 when Charlemagne
defeated the Avars he sent some of the spoil of the
barbarians to Offa. English pilgrims and merchants to
England may have brought back specimens of Arab
dinars to England; we would suggest, however, that
Charlemagne sent specimens of the Arab dinars which
he and his father had received from the Caliph, and
that this is how Offa first became acquainted with gold
coins. The fact that so many dinars of the year 157 have
survived and that it is the year of which imitations exist,
suggests that an unusual number of these coins must
have been brought to Europe ; this would not happen
in the ordinary course of commerce, and the inference
is that coins of this year were specially struck by the
Caliph for presentation to the Carolingian Emperor.
Offa therefore having already instituted a silver coinage
on the model of the Carolingian now desired to have
a gold coinage, and following the universal practice in
such cases, copied the coinage that had suggested the
idea to him as closely as possible ; it would have been
quite contrary to all numismatic laws for him to have
instituted at once a gold coinage of the same style as his
silver coins ; to him the essential features of a gold coin
were those of the only gold coins he knew.
We thus see that this piece of Offa is quite a natural
commercial development such as can be paralleled in
the history of many coinages, and there is no reason to
OFFA'S IMITATION OF AN ARAB DINAR. 87
suppose that it was struck for any special purpose. The
imitations of Almoravid dinars, bearing Christian legends
in Arabic issued by Alfonso VIII of Castile (1158-1214
A.D.) and the coins of the Crusaders in Syria, also with
Christian legends in Arabic, imitating the coins of the
Fatimids and Seljuks, are not quite analogous to this
dinar of Offa. The closest parallel is found in a silver
coin of Henry II of Germany, the reverse of which still
retains the name and titles of the Imam Hisham (976-
1005 A.D.) (cf. Dannenberg, Die Deutschen Mimzen der
Kaiserzeit, p. 460 ff., PL liii. 1185).
Now it has generally been held that this piece is a
inancus, a gold piece specially struck for the payment
of the annual tribute of 365 gold mancuses to the Pope
for the maintenance of the English school in Rome, the
lighting of St. Peter's, &c. The fact that the coin is
believed to have been originally acquired in Borne has
been held to be evidence that it originally went to
Rome as Peter's pence ; while this may show that it
reached Rome even in Offa's time, and perhaps even
as tribute, it certainly does not prove that it was
specially struck for this object. As Rome was the
centre of the mediaeval world coins of all countries
reached it in the ordinary course, and other rare
English coins are known to have been found there, but
these were most likely brought by pilgrims for their
ordinary necessities. It is more probable that the coins
—if the payment was made in coins — that were sent to
Rome did not get into circulation in their original
form, but were melted down and re-issued. It has
been suggested that Offa would not have presented
coins with Muslim legends to the Pope, but it is
unlikely that Offa knew what the legends were, nor
88 J. ALLAN.
do we think it likely that they would have been
considered.
A more serious objection is that there is no evidence
that the mancus was a coin ; it seems to have been a
money of account, and the mention of 365 mancuses
does not imply 365 coins. The tribute was probably paid
in silver, the standard of Northern Europe at this time.
It is probable that this currency of Offa's was quite an
ephemeral attempt to institute a gold currency just as
Charlemagne's gold issues were. The dinar must have
been about the same value as the mancus of silver, and
indeed we find mancus glossed by bazanticuin (the
Byzantine solidus) and aureus, but it must be insisted
that when Offa struck this coin he was not striking a
gold mancus but an imitation of a dinar.
It has been customaryto quote the MVNVS DIVINVM coin
of Louis the Pious (814-860 A.D.) as further evidence that
Peter's pence was paid in special coins. But, as M. Prou
has pointed out, the legend munus divinum does not
mean a gift to God, but refers to the laurel wreath
on the reverse, which is exactly like that on the king's
head on the obverse. The legend is a sign that the
crown, the symbol of regal power, is a gift from God, an
allusion to the coronation by the Pope, the representative
of God ; it thus bears some resemblance to the well-known
formula Dei gratia. This particular coin, though it soon
disappeared in France, was much imitated in the north
by the Frisians — such imitations have been found in
Frisia and Norway. It was probably through Frisia
that the type was brought to England, where we find it
imitated by Wigmund, Archbishop of York (837-854).
This latter piece weighs 68*4 grains.
One more point remains to be discussed, the suggested
OFFA S IMITATION OF AN ARAB DINAR.
89
etymology of the A. S. mancus from the Arabic manJcush,
an etymology which seems to have the support of Dozy,
but he apparently relies on Ducange, and does not
discuss the word in his Glossaire. The word " mancus "-
the form " manca " is also found — seems to be of Germanic
origin, although it is also found in Old French, but it is
not found in other Romance languages, the usual medium
by which Arab words penetrated into European lan-
guages. The Arabic word mankush is the past participle
of nakasli, to engrave; it is not correct to say that it
means a coin, although it is occasionally found in
poetical language applied to coins as the "engraved"
pieces. It certainly never was a common word in Arabic
for a coin, like dinar or dirhem, and it is improbable
that it could have been adopted by any European nation
as the name of an Arab coin. As the first Arab gold
coins only date from the end of the seventh century it
seems incredible that a highly poetical word like man-
Jcush, rarely used and not quotable till later, could have
been well established in the Germanic languages early
in the eighth century as the name of a particular coin.
J. ALLAN.
MISCELLANEA.
A SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY COINING-PRESS.
THE press here illustrated stands about nine inches high, ex-
clusive of the top screws, and was acquired in Cordova by
MISCELLANEA.
91
the owner, Mr. W. G. Buchanan, who has kindly allowed it
to be reproduced in these pages. The two cases for holding
the dies are of cast bronze; the rest of the machine is of
iron.1 The dies are sections of cylinders of roughly two
inches radius. The mechanism was a rocking one. The base
was fastened to a block of some kind, and a lever lashed to
the top horizontal bar. By depressing this lever to one side,
the whole machine, except the bottom case (containing the
lower die) and the base, was rocked, and A came in contact
with A', so that there was space to insert the blank between the
dies. The lever was then pulled over in the opposite direction ;
when C and C' came into contact with each other (save for
the blank between them) a great pressure was exerted, and
the coin was struck. When, the movement being continued,
B came in contact with B', the finished coin could be ex-
tracted.
The two dies which were acquired with the machine are
very much worn and must have been much used. The coins
which were struck with them were of Philip III. It is
possible to make out on the dies only two letters (the last
I of III and the D of D.G.) on the obverse; on the reverse
PANIARV is legible. The types are the usual lion and castle.
The castle is flanked by a chalice surmounted by a star on
the left, and jf surmounted by O on the right. Apart from
these mint-marks and the reading HISPANIARVM instead of
HISPAN. REGNORVM the coin seems to have been similar
to the copper piece illustrated in Heiss, I. PI. 33. 20. Don
Guillermo de Osma, consulted on the identification of the
coin, writes : —
" The impression gives, undoubtedly, a Philip III coin.
Save the difference of the shortened HISPAN., I think it is
the same as the rubbing I enclose. At this time, the greater
part — by far the greatest — of the coinage would be done
at Segovia, where they had water power. Heiss's examples
1 Some portions of the iron-work (e.g. the ring
than the rest, and may be restorations.
look more modern
92 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
are nearly all Segovian. At the smaller ' cecas ' — one being
Cuenca — there may have been many minor differences, like
the ' Hispan.' vice ' Hispaniarum.' So much so that in a
small find of copper coins (of the reigns of Philip III and
Philip IV) quite half might be considered ' inedita.' "
The machine is so roughly made, as is plain from the photo-
graph, that it is possible to doubt whether it was the property
of an official mint. If it was not, then the unauthorized
coiner exercised his art for a considerable period, judging
from the state of the dies, unless he stole them after they had
been discarded as worn out.
The relation of this form of press to the others which
were in use in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is
a point which, having described the object before us, I leave
to others more competent to deal with the subject.
G. F. H.
A FIND OF THIRD-CENTURY ROMAN COINS AT PUNCKNOLL,
Co. DORSET.
THESE coins formerly belonged to Colonel W. L. Mansel of
Puncknoll, and after his death in 1913 they were presented
by Mrs. Mansel to the Dorset County Museum at Dorchester.
The date of the discovery of the hoard cannot be stated with
actual certainty, but it is known that the coins came into the
possession of the family during the lifetime of Colonel Mansel's
father, who died in 1859. Since that date the parcel had
remained in the manor house at Puncknoll.
Hutchins' History of Dorset, in the course of a description
of this coast parish, tells us that "about the year 1850 an
earthen jar was turned up by the plough in the middle of
a field near the Knoll. In this process it was broken, and
many coins of the emperors, Postumus, &c., who reigned in
the third century, were scattered and are ia the possession
of various persons of the neighbourhood " (3rd ed., vol. ii.
p. 769). It is believed that the coins now in the Dorchester
Museum comprise that portion of the original hoard which
the then lord of the manor, Mr. Morton G. Mansel, was able
to recover after the finder of the jar had dispersed the con-
tents. The foregoing statement by the county historian is
confirmed by another member of the late owner's family,
through whom I learn that the coins in question were found
about 1850 in a field named "Walls" on the Abbotsbury
side of the Knoll, a prominent hill which overlooks the sea.
Several other finds, both of Roman and of prehistoric objects,
MISCELLANEA. 93
have occurred in the parish from time to time, the most
recent including a Bronze Age cinerary urn of unusual shape.
A reputed Roman camp lies about two miles to the north, and
in the surrounding district are other hill-camps, many barrows,
and some megalithic remains.
As to the coins themselves, they were 107 in number, all
being third brass with the exception of two billon pieces ;
a few of the former exhibited signs of having been washed
with tin or debased silver. They ranged, but not in com-
plete sequence, from Gallienus to Carausius, thus extending
over a period of about forty years, A.D. 253 to 293, and in
this respect it seems probable that they would be fairly repre-
sentative of the entire deposit. Of Postumus there were
55 coins with 16 separate types, and of Victorinus 40, with
9 types, according to Cohen's arrangement.
The great majority of the specimens were remarkably
uniform in colour and free from corrosion, indicating that
they had been deposited in a closed vessel and not in contact
with the soil, and they showed very slight traces of wear
by circulation. I noticed, too, that as a rule the obverses
were carefully struck, and bore good portraits, whereas the
reverses were for the most part ill struck or carelessly centred.
There were not, however, any overstruck pieces, nor any
which had been impressed with one die only.
A similar inequality in the workmanship on the two faces
of the coins of the Tyrants' period is mentioned by Lord
Selborne, in his description * of the great hoard of Roman
money discovered at Blackmoor, in the adjoining county of
Hants, a find in which the limits of date coincide, substan-
tially, with those of the Puncknoll coins.
Unfortunately, my examination of the latter did not dis-
close any new types or varieties, and the reverses have in
many instances been already noted in connexion with other
finds in Britain. One coin should, perhaps, be specifically
referred to, viz. the solitary example of Carausius, which
resembles Mr. P. H. Webb's No. 1035 (Num. Chron., 4th Ser.,
Vol. VII. p. 391), and is not unlike No. 104 in the Blackmoor
hoard (supra, p. 147). This is apparently a somewhat un-
common type.
Although there happens to be little that is of numismatic
interest in the following list, it may be useful to set out the
1 " In others, the impression is regular and in its proper position on
the one side, but imperfect and out of position on the other " (Num.
Chron., New Series, Vol. XVII. p. 94).
94 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
numbers and the facts as to the provenance of the undispersed
portion of this find of about sixty years ago.
The numbers within brackets are taken from the second
edition of Cohen's Medailles Imperiales.
GALLIENUS.
(149) Deo Marti, billon, 1
(859) Provid aug, 1
(1014) Ubertas aug, 1 3
SALONIKA.
Fecunditas aug, 1
Felicitas publica, billon, 1 .... 2
POSTUMUS.
(67} Fides militum, 2
(101) Here pacifero, 2
(153) Jovi propugnat, 1
(159) Jovi statori, 3
(161) Jovi victori, 2
(199) Moneta aug, 5
(215) Pax aug, 13
8 with P in field, 5 without.
(220) Pax aug, 1
(243) P.M. TR. P. COS. II. P.P., 4
(295) Provident] a aug, 7
(331) Saeculi felicitas, 7
(336) Salus aug, 2
Globe on ground.
(360) Serapi comiti aug, 2
(365) Ubertas aug, 2
(377) Victoria aug, 1
(419) Virtus aug, 1 ... 55
VICTOBINDS.
9
36
'49
(79
Aequitas aug, 1
Fides militum, 2
Invictus, 9
Pax aug, 10
V and star in field
83) Pax aug, 1
Pietas aug, 7
Providentia aug, 3
Salus aug, 5
Victoria aug, 2 ..... 40
TETEICUS, THE ELDER.
90
(101
(112
(126
(54) Hilaritas augg, 2
rev, illegible, 1
NOTICE OF RECENT PUBLICATION. 95
TETBICUS, THE YOUNGEB. .
Rev. illegible, 1 1
CLAUDIUS GOTHICUS.
(74) Felic tempo, 1
(83) Fides milit, 1
CABAUSIUS.
(233, var.) Pax aug, 1 1
or, Webb, 1035
Total . 107
HENRY SYMONDS.
NOTICE OF RECENT PUBLICATION.
A Handy Guide to Jewish Coins. By the Eev. E. Rogers,
M.A., London. Spink & Son. 1914. Pp. 108; with
9 collotype plates. 2s. 6d.
THE Jewish series is one of peculiar difficulty, owing to the
bad craftsmanship which distinguished the die-engravers at all
periods ; the puzzles which it affords belong for the most part
to what may be called the " higher numismatics " ; and it is
entirely devoid of artistic interest. But all these defects are
compensated by its connexion with Biblical history, which
will always attract people to it, especially in this country,
where, as a French critic once remarked, you cannot get
people to take an interest in archaeology unless you can tack
it on to the Bible. Thus for the public for whom Mr. Rogers's
book is intended there will seem to be nothing superfluous in
the " pulpit references " with which it is generously adorned,
although hardened numismatists may find them to some degree
embarrassing. The book is, however, by no means a mere
popularisation of other writers' views ; Mr. Rogers has thought
out the problems for himself, and has made some interesting
contributions towards their solution. He starts his chrono-
logical classification by attributing the copper coins of " year
4 " to the early days of the Maccabees, i.e. to Judas Macca-
baeus, in 161 B.C. (being the fourth year after the fortification
of Zion in 164 B.C.) ; while the thick shekels and half-shekels
96 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
in silver he gives to Simon and John Hyrcanus. I cannot
believe, for epigraphic reasons, that these two sets of coins
were issued within so short a distance of each other; but
that argument can only be expounded with the help of tables.
There is nothing said about silver in the rescript of Antiochus
Sidetes ; and to say that, if Antiochus gave the Jews the right
of coinage, it was gratuitous waste of record for the writer of
1 Mace. xv. 5, 6 to mention it unless the right was used, and
used to the full, is to ignore the evidence of numismatic
history, which is full of such unused privileges. The curious
quarter-shekel in silver in the British Museum is assigned by
Mr. Rogers to the First Revolt. He uses its poor workman-
ship as an argument against the attribution to that period of
the thick shekels and half -shekels. It is certainly poor ; but
it is quite common to find a mint taking more trouble over
its higher denominations than over the lower ones. However,
the attribution of the shekels may be argued about for ever,
and is not likely to be finally settled until we have the
evidence of some such find as in a large degree cleared up the
question of the Second Revolt.
Mr. Rogers supplements his account of the purely Jewish
coins with two chapters on all the others which can possibly be
brought into connexion with Jerusalem — such as the colonial
coins of Aelia Capitolina (in his description of which the
word " colon " betrays his use of a French authority), the
Arabic and Crusader coins, and Roman coins circulating in
Palestine. There are also plates illustrating the coins of
Christian and Turkish claimants to Jerusalem, and coins
mentioned in the Old and New Testaments. The figure of
Livia-Ceres, by the way, on the denarius of Tiberius, is mis-
described as the "Emperor seated as priest." A word of
praise is due to the plates, which are much better than could
have been expected from the extremely moderate price of the
book.
G. F. H.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV., VOL. XIV. PLATE I.
A CILICIAN FIND.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PLATE
A CILICIAN FIND.
46
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV., VOL. XIV. PLATE III.
A CILICIAN FIND.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PLATE IV.
10
ii
A CILICIAN FIND.
X
.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV., VOL. XIV. PLATE V.
^
^ 1 5 /
1 4
"7
COINAGE OF COMMODUS UNDER MARCUS.
tfc*
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV., VOL. XIV. PLATE VI.
me
-vg-i
^mffj
— vg—
VI VII
HENRY III; VARIETIES OF LONG CROSS COINAGE.
V.
GEEEK COINS ACQUIKED BY THE BKITISH
MUSEUM IN 1913.
(See Plates VII., VIII.)
FKOJH the present account of the recent acquisitions
I have omitted, as before, such coins, especially of
Cyrenaica, as are likely to appear before long in the
official Catalogue.
FISTELIA.
1. Obv. — Head of Athena r., wearing crested Athenian
helmet adorned with owl (?) on olive branch.
Rev. — [*]IV\/3T*I[S] above forepart of human-headed
bull swimming r.
M. ^ 10 mm. Wt. 8-0 grs. (0-52 grm.).
[PI. VII. 1.] Cp. Sambon, Monn. Ant. de
Vltalie, p. 334, No. 839.
METAPONTUM.
2. Obv. — Head of Persephone 1., crowned with barley,
wearing triple-drop ear-ring.
Rev. — META on r. upwards ; ear of barley, with leaf, on
which is perched an alabastos ; in field 1. A I ;
concave field.
JR. *\ 20 mm. Wt. 116-0 grs. (7-52 grms.).
[PI. VII. 2.]
This beautiful coin is apparently from the same
NUM. CHEON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. H
98 G. F. HILL.
obverse die as the one sold at Munich in 1905.1 It
belongs to Head's period 330-300 B.C., and cannot be
much later than the earlier date.
THUEIUM.
3. Obv. — Head of Athena r., in crested Corinthian helmet,
decorated with sea-horse.
Rev. — [0]OYPin[N] in exergue. Bull charging r. ; above,
owl flying r.
JR. <- 19 mm. Wt. 96-4 grs. (6-25 grms.).
[PI. VII. 4.] From a find made at Taranto.
This is one of the coins of the period 281-268 B.C.,
struck on the reduced standard to which Sir A. J. Evans
called attention (Horsemen, p. 228), and with which Keg-
ling has also dealt (Klio, vi. p. 516).2
It may be noted that the Museum possesses five
specimens of the class which combine the reduced
weight with the old types (head in Attic helmet
decorated with Scylla), viz. B. M. C. 70 and 95, and
three others : (a) <1>A in exergue, 98*8 grs. (6'40 grms.)
(PI. VII. 6); (6) fish r. in exergue, 97'7 grs. (6'33 grms.) ;
(c) in I above bull, hippocamp (?) r. in exergue, 84'0 grs.
(544 grms.).
CAULONIA.
4. Obv. — KAV on 1. downwards. Apollo standing r., wield-
ing branch in r., holding small winged figure on
1 Hirsch, Katal. xiv. Taf. ii. 101. Others which come close to it in
style are B. M. C., 114 (cp. Hirsch, Katal. xvi. Taf. ii. Ill, and
Feuardent Sale, Paris, June, 1913, PI. i. 82) and the Lambros coin
(Hirsch, Katal. xxix. Taf. ii. 52).
2 The statement there made in Note 2 that B. M. C. 94 has a head
in Corinthian helmet is not correct ; the present is the first specimen
of the class to be acquired by the British Museum.
GREEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 99
1. hand ; in field r. stag standing r., head re-
verted. Guilloche border.
Rev. — Stag standing r. ; border of fine dots; circular
incuse.
JR. I 22 mm. Wt. 113-0 grs. (7'32 grms.).
[PI. VII. 7.] Circa 480 B.C. Restruck on a
Corinthian stater ; the curved wing and hind-
quarters of the Pegasus are plainly visible on
the reverse.
CKOTON.
5. Obv. — (pPO 1. upwards, TOK r. downwards ; tripod ;
guilloche border.
Rev. — No inscr. ; similar type incuse ; hatched border.
M. f 20 mm. Wt. 27'4 grs. (1-77 grms.).
[PI. VII. 8.]
Apparently not a third, but a quarter, of the stater.
The only other instance of this denomination at Croton,
or anywhere in the Italic system, seems to be a coin
formerly in the Benson collection.3
6. Obv. — Tripod ; traces of linear border.
Rev. — Eagle with closed wings standing 1., head re-
verted ; above and below it, o° ; to 1., remains
of <J> (?) ; concave field.
JR. ^ 11-5 mm. Wt. 13-2 grs. (0'85 grm.).
[PI. VII. 3.] A diobol of the fifth century, of
apparently unpublished types.
RHEGIUM.
7. Obv. — Lion's scalp ; border of dots.
Rev. — H within a large O.
JR. A 8 mm. Wt. 4'4 grs. (0*29 grm.).
[PI. VII. 5.]
3 Sale Catalogue, Sotheby's, February, 1909, lot 105, 28£ grs. I owe
the reference to Mr. Robinson.
H 2
100 G. F. HILL.
The two letters on the reverse mark the denomination
as a hemi-obol. The same method of naming the
denomination is employed on a later copper coin of the
same place (Payne Knight, Num. Vet., p. 234, B. 1,
under Heracleiae).
GELA.
8. Obv. — Slow quadriga r., passing meta ; border of dots.
Rev. — C above, EAA r. ; forepart of human-headed bull
r., the neck wreathed with olive. Traces of
incuse circle.
M. f 29 mm. Wt. 261-3 grs. (16-93 grms.).
From the Virzi collection. [PI. VII. 9.]
This coin, unfortunate!^ not in the best state of pre-
servation, is from the same obverse die as B. M. C. 10,
and from the same die on both sides as the magnificent
Jameson specimen,4 and another, of which an electrotype
is in the British Museum.
MESSANA.
9. Obv. — Mule biga r., driven by charioteer ; above, Nike
flying r. to crown the mules ; in exergue, leaf ;
border of dots.
Rev. — ME82AN I ON around, beginning below; hare
running r. ; above, B. Dotted incuse circle.
M. <- 30-5 mm. Wt. 265-5 grs. (17-20
grms.). [PI. VII. 12.]
Presented by Sir Athelstane Baines, C.S.I. The
tetradrachm, B. M. 0. 19 (from different dies on both
sides), also shows B, but under the animal, whereas the
drachm, B. M. C. 20, has it above, like the new
4 Catal. 581 = Burlington Fine Arts Club, Exhib. of Greek Art, 1903,
No. 139.
GREEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 101
tetradrachm. A tetradrachm with the older legend
MESSENION (B. M. C. 16) has A above the hare.5 One
is tempted to assume that this is a case of the number-
ing of issues ; and this seems to be confirmed when we
find C and D on coins of the same style (Benson Cata-
logue, PI. vii. 230, and Sotheby's Catalogue, "A
Bachelor," 1907, lot 70, PL iii. 42; MEaaANiON6).
If this series is continuous, then the coin marked A
must belong to the year before the expulsion of the
Samians (some time before 476 B.C.), while the others
follow immediately on it.
MESEMBRIA.
10. Obv. — Beardless head r., wearing crested helmet with
cheek-pieces.
Rev. — Pelta-shaped shield, seen from inside ; below
and on it, M E T A ; border of dots ; concave
field.
JE. I 12-5 mm. Wt. 29-1 grs. (1'89 grms.).
[PI. VII. 11.]
Cp. Berlin Beschreibung, I. p. 189, Nos. 12, 13. The
two marks which appear in the middle of the shield are
the loops for the arm.
OKRHESCII (?).
11. Obv. — Centaur r., carrying a nymph in his arms ;
border of dots ; chisel-cut.
Rev. — Quadripartite incuse square.
JR. 21-5 mm. Wt. 122-4 grs. (7-93 grms.).
[PI. VII. 10.]
5 Cp. Hirsch, Katal. xxix. No. 94.
6 A second specimen, with the D below the hare has recently been
presented to the Museum by Mr. B. Taylor. Mr. E. J. Seltman, who
called my attention to the Benson coin, also points out that E occurs
in the Rollin and Feuardent coin (Catalogue, June 20, 1906, 469) ; but
there the inscription is given as MEZZENION.
102 G. F. HILL.
The only peculiarity of this specimen is its low weight.
A specimen at Berlin (Babelon, Traite, 1478) weighs
810 grms., and a third in the British Museum (Montagu
Sale, II. 99) 135'4 grs. (877 grms.). As the last rises
just above the normal of the Euboic standard, these low
weights must be taken as due to casual degradation of
the " Baby Ionic " standard, and not to the adoption of
the Euboic.
CORINTH.
12. Obv. — Pegasus flying r. ; below, <p.
Rev. — Head of Athena r. in Corinthian helmet ; behind,
pileus and E. Concave field.
^R. Stater f 24-5 mm. Wt. 128-8 grs.
(8-35 grms.). [PI. VII. 13.]
First half of the fourth century.
MELOS.
13. Obv. — MXoi/ on stalk with two buds.
Rev. — /W A A I in the four quarters of a four-spoked
wheel, surrounded by border of dots in incuse
circle.
JR. 24mm. Wt. 212-1 grs. (1374 grms.).
[PL VII. 14.]
14. Obv. — Similar, the buds obscure.
Rev. — A/V A A i C N around a triskeles of human legs
turning to r. ; border of dots ; incuse circle.
M. 23 mm. Wt. 216-0 grs. (14-00 grms.).
[PI. VII. 15.]
15. Obv. — Similar, but one bud and one leaf; border of
dots.
Rev. — AV A A I C V\ around a crescent ; border of
dots ; traces of incuse circle.
JR. 22 mm. Wt. 212-1 grs. (1374 grms.).
[PI. VII. 16.]
GREEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 103
From the famous Melos find.7 The acquisition of
these specimens by the Museum is due to the generosity
of Mr. Henry Oppenheimer, F.S.A. They correspond to
M. Jameson's Nos. 9, 11, and 17 ; his No. 11 is from the
same reverse die as our No. 14, and perhaps also from the
same obverse ; of the others it is not possible to judge.
In a note appended to M. Jameson's article is recorded
the opinion of M. Svoronos, that the type of the obverse
is not a pomegranate, as it was always supposed to be,
but a quince; and Dr. A. B. Kendle, consulted on the
question, agrees that the quince is a better identification
than any other (such as lobed citron) which has been
suggested.
IONIA.
16. Obv. — Pegasus with curved wing walking 1.
Rev. — Two incuse squares side by side.
EL. f 14 mm. Wt. 72'5 grs. (4'70 grms.).
[PL VIII. 1.] Specific gravity (approxi-
mately), 13'4 ; percentage of gold, according
to Head's curve, 47*5. Presented by Mr. W.
H. Buckler.
Of this rare coin, which belongs to some unidentified
mint of the West Coast of Asia Minor, M. Babelon 8
describes two other specimens, weighing 4 grs. 73 and
3 grs. 67. As thirds of the Milesian standard he assigns
them to Southern Ionia or Caria. He associates with
them the sixth in the British Museum with the forepart
of Pegasus, but both by its style, and by the decorative
treatment of the reverse, the smaller coin is shown to
belong to a different category.
7 R. Jameson in Rev. Num., 1909, pp. 188 ff.
8 Traite, IT partie, p. 67, Nos. 71-72 ; PI. ii. 25.
104 G. F. HILL.
HYPAEPA.
17. Obv. — AV KAITIAIAAPI ANTHNINOC Undraped bust
of Pius r., laureate. Border of dots.
Eev— eniA no M APTGMA around, VTTAITTHNIQN in
exergue ; temple showing four columns, with
phiale in pediment ; within, cultus-figure of
Artemis Anaitis, veiled, and holding two
phialae in her extended hands. Border of
dots.
M. ^ 30 mm. Wt. 244 grs. (15-81 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 2.] Presented by Mr. W. H.
Buckler.
An unusually well-preserved specimen, from the same
obverse die as B. M. G. 22. The type of the goddess does
not bear the least resemblance to that of the Ephesian
Artemis, with which it is the fashion to identify almost
all primitive cultus-statues of goddesses represented on
coins of Asia Minor and even Syria. The dress is an
ordinary chiton with kolpos, such as would have been
provided for a female figure by any artist of the sixth
century B.C., in which period it is probable that most of
the cultus-figures took the form in which they have
come down to us.
»
NYSA.
18. Obv. — Cista mystica, with serpent issuing from it; all
in ivy -wreath.
Rev. — Bow-case and bow between serpents ; above,
AHIEPE|nZ; on r. q, and small figure of
Dionysos standing 1. with grapes (?) and
thyrsos.
M cistophorus, ^ 28 mm. Wt. 160-4 grs.
(10-39 grms.). [PI. VIII. 4].
Similar to the Vienna specimen : Regling in Jahrb.,
Erganzunc/sheft x. p. 73. The date is 129-8 B.C.
GREEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 105
19. Obn. KTTOAIKINN BAAEP- - Bust of Valerian r.
laureate ; on the neck, uncertain countermark.
Rev. — EflFMAVP 1., AAIANOYN r., YCAEHN below.
Eudely made prize crown containing branches
and inscribed GEOrAMIA|OIKOYM€NljK A
M. xj, 34-5 mm. Wt. 227-2 grs. (14-72 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 3.] Cp. Mionnet, iii. 372. 404;
Head, B. M. C. : Lydia, p. Ixxxiii.
PHILADELPHIA AND SMYRNA.
20. Obv. AIMAV 1., PHKOMOAOC r. Undraped bust
of Commodus r., laureate.
Eev.— OPeCT€lNOC 1., - - EA<1>KCMVP r., OMONOIA in
exergue. On 1., Artemis r., wearing short
chiton, r. taking arrow from quiver at
shoulder, 1. holding bow (?) ; on r., facing her,
Nemesis (?) (details obscure).
M. ^ 29 mm. Wt. 186-6 grs. (12-09 grms.).
Although poorly preserved this coin 9 serves to correct
the reading of the coin (Mionnet, SuppL, vii. 403. 396),
on which the supposition of the existence of a city
Oresteion was based. See Imhoof - Blumer, GriecJi.
Munzen, p. 720, No. 604, where the name of the
magistrate Oresteinos is given as occurring on a quasi-
autonomous coin.
21. CYPRUS.
The late Sir Kobert Hamilton Lang presented 394
small Cypriote coins, being the remainder of the hoard
contained in two small jars discovered by him at Dali in
1869.10 Few of the types are new to the Museum, but
9 Apparently the same specimen which is described rather differently
from a paper impression by Imhoof-Blumer, Eev. Suisse, 1913, p. 55.
He thinks the goddess on the right may be Athena.
10 Num. Chron., 1871, p. 17 f.
106 G. F. HILL.
the acquisition of these remains of the hoard is valuable
as illustrating the general appearance of the small silver
currency of Cyprus towards the end of the fifth
century B.C. The coins were all (with the exception of
one stater) of small denominations, the heaviest being
tetrobols of Azbaal I of Citium. This king (who came to
the throne soon after 449) conquered Idalium, and since
the only mints represented in the hoard are Citium,
Amathus, Paphos, and Salamis, it would seem that the
conquest resulted not only in the cessation of the inde-
pendent Idalian coinage, but also in the calling in of
such old coins of that mint as were current. Otherwise
the hoard would probably have contained some tetrobols
of Idalium. A study of the hoard serves to correct my
dating of the small one-sided ram's head obols of
Salamis (B. M. C. : Cyprus, PI. ix. 7-9). The presence of
fairly well-preserved specimens of these in a hoard
which dates from the latter half of the fifth century,
and which contains apparently no coins of the early
fifth century, shows that these obols are not of the
time of Euelthon, as I had supposed, but a good deal
later.
LAPETHUS.
22. Obv. — BA on r., downwards ; krater (kylix-form).
Rev. — PP on r., downwards ; head of Apollo 1., with
short hair, laureate ; concave field.
M. f 15 mm. Wt. 36-9 grs. (2-39 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 5]. Presented by the late Lt.-Col.
R. Manifold Craig.
The coin is attributed to Praxippos, the king of
Lapethus, who was deposed by Ptolemy in 313-2 B.C.
See B. M. C. : Cyprus, p. liii f.
GEEEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 107
SELEUCDS I.
23. Obv. — Head of young Herakles r., wearing lion-skin ;
border of dots.
Rev. — BAZIAEQZ in exergue, ZEAEYKOY r., down-
wards ; Zeus aetophoros seated 1. ; in field 1.
AZT and monogram fiffl (?) ; beneath throne A ;
border of dots.
M. <- 28 mm. Wt. 259-5 grs. (16-82 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 7.]
SELEUCUS III.
24. Obv. — Head of Seleucus III. r., with whisker, wearing
diadem of which one end flies up ; border of
dots.
Bev.— BAZIAEQZ r., downwards ; ZEAEYKOY 1., down-
wards ; Apollo, nude, seated 1. on omphalos,
resting 1. on bow, holding arrow in r. ; in field
i.y.
M. f 30 mm. Wt. 260-5 grs. (16-88 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 8]. The object in the field is
doubtless meant for the monogram which
occurs on B. M. C., No. 1.
ANTIOCHUS III.
25. Obv. — Head of Antiochus r., wearing diadem with short
ends, falling straight ; border of dots.
Bev. — BAZIAEQZ r., downwards ; ANTIOXOY 1., down-
wards ; Apollo, nude, seated 1. on omphalos,
resting 1. on bow, holding arrow in r. ; in
field 1. A, r. IS ; in exergue, humped bull
charging 1.
M. f 30-5 mm. Wt. 262 grs. (16-98 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 9.] From Aleppo.
. Cp. Macdonald, Hunter Catal., iii. p; 31, No. 7. The
portrait is exactly the same as that on the British
Museum stater catalogued under Antiochus III (B. M. C. :
108 G. F. HILL.
Seleucid Kings, p. 25, No. 3), and the left-hand monogram
also occurs on No. 7 of the same series.
TlMARCHUS.
26. Obv. — Head of Timarchus r., helmeted ; fillet border.
_Retv_[BAIIA]EfiZ MEFAAOY in arc above, TIMAPXOY
in exergue.
M. <- 29 mm. Wt. 256 grs. (16-59 grins.).
[PI. VIII. 10.]
This coin, which was procured in Persia, is the third
known specimen of the tetradrachm of the usurper
who ruled for a few months in Babylon in 162 B.C.,
having set himself up against Demetrius I ; the others
are that which was restruck by Demetrius I and Laodice
with their own types (B. M. C. : Seleucid Kings, PI. xv. 2)
and that formerly in the E. F. Weber collection.11 The
gold stater and the silver drachm are even rarer, being
represented by specimens, unique so far as we know, in
the Berlin and London cabinets.
The types and the regal style (BaavAf'we MeyaXou) are
evidently inspired by the coins of Eucratides of Bactria.
The tetradrachm shows signs of being re-struck over
older types. The marks outside the fillet border above
the head may possibly be the remains of spear-heads.
Was a coin of Eucratides with the charging Dioscuri used
by Timarchus as a blank ?
TYRE.
27. Obv. — Dolphin r., over waves ; above, Phoenician in-
scription, I A '('no; border of dots.
11 Hirsch, Katal. xxi. 4078. This and the new coin have different
reverse dies, but the obverse die is possibly the same.
GREEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 109
Rev. — Owl standing r., with flail and crooked sceptre ;
incuse square.
JR. \ U mm. Wt. 49-3 grs. (3-19 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 6.] From the Hirsch Sale, Katal.
xxxii. (1912), lot 587.
The inscription on a similar half-shekel has been read
by Babelon,12 ma-hatsi ke[seph]. But of the two signs
which follow the denomination on the present specimen
the first is clearly not a kaph, and the two together
seem to represent a number, viz. 11. The gimel-shaped
sign for 10 occurs on coins of Aradus, though not, so far
as I know, elsewhere on Phoenician coins ; but there
was much variety in the numeral systems of this district.
The inscription, therefore, seems to mean " half shekel of
the eleventh year ; " the era, of course, is uncertain.
HISPANO-CARTHAGIXIAN.
28. Obv. — Head of Heracles 1., beardless, laureate, with
club over r. shoulder ; border of dots.
Rev. — Elephant walking r. ; border of dots ; concave
field.
JR. f 26 mm. Wt. 172'3 grs. (11-16 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 11.] From Feuardent's Sale, Hotel
Drouot, 10 Juin, 1913, lot 360.
The tridrachm of the Barcid coinage of the mint
of Carthago Nova was hitherto unrepresented in the
British Museum. For the tetradrachm recently acquired,
see Num. Chron., 1913, p. 274.
G. F. HILL.
12 Traitt, II. 983.
VI.
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WAES OF
68-69 A.D.
(See Plates IX., X.)
THE present paper was originally read before the Royal
Numismatic Society in October, 1913. The general plan
remains the same, but some sections of purely descriptive
matter have been omitted and some of the results have
had to be altered in the light of further study.
The title indicates fairly accurately the scope of the
essay ; within it faU the " Autonomous " series, the coins
of Galba, Otho, and Yitellius, the latest issues of Nero
and the earliest of Vespasian. My main object is to fix
the date and place of the various coinages ; but I shall
have to deal also on occasion with the meanings of types,
when they are likely to throw light on the conditions of
striking. The coinage of the Civil Wars of 68 to 69 A.D.
offers many attractions to the numismatist. In the first
place, it is full of variety and full of difficulty ; in the
second, it may teach us much about the imperial issues
of the first century in general. So long as settled con-
ditions prevail, there is often little to be known about
them ; it is when the break comes that we stand our best
chance of catching glimpses of the old order, before it
finally disappears. In the same way the numismatist
may hope, from a study of the period of civil strife and
chaos in 68 and 69 A.D., to throw some light on the
Julio-Claudian period that precedes and on the Flavian
that follows it.
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. Ill
The aids to study are comparatively rich. Our
chief literary authority is the Histories of Tacitus ; we
can supplement him by Plutarch's Lives of Galba
and Otho, Suetonius's Lives of Nero, Galba, Otho,
Vitellius, and Vespasian, and the fragments of the
history of Dio Cassius. Secondly, we have the coins
themselves. Considerations of style and fabric will
lead us to arrange them in certain groups ; a study of
types and legends will help us to check our arrange-
ment. Having classified our coins, we have next to
apply history to our classification, in order to give to
our numismatic researches their proper historical
meaning. One class of evidence — the evidence of finds
— is, unfortunately, of little use for our purpose. I have
not been able to hear of a single find that really throws
much light on our period * : the most I have been able
to discover is the provenance of a few isolated coins. If
any reader of this paper can call my attention to any
evidence of this sort that I have missed, I shall be
sincerely grateful. Comparatively little has been
written on the subject by modern numismatists; but
there are a few excellent monographs on portions of it,
to which I shall refer in the proper places.
It will be well to start with a brief survey of the
coinage at the death of Nero. The dated series of
aurei and denarii comes to a close in the year 62-63;
from then to the end of the reign the coins are undated
and show the obverse inscriptions NERO CAESAR
AVGVSTVS, IMP. NERO CAESAR AVGVSTVS and IMP. NERO
1 Just after writing this, I read the account of an interesting find,
extending from Republican times to the reign of Vespasian and con-
taining nine " autonomous " coins, described in the Berliner Miinz-
bldtter, No. 150-151, 112 ff. This find confirms the dating of the series,
but hardly assists us in placing the different issues.
112 H. MATTINGLY.
CAESAR AVG. P.P. The reverse types, too, change in the
same year ; new reverses, such as AVGVSTVS AVGVSTA,
CONCORDIA, IVPPITER CVSTOS, ROMA, SALVS, and VESTA,
replace the standing figures of Mars, Roma, and Ceres,
and the formula EX S. c., regular on the earlier series,
disappears. The undated series cannot be arranged
with certainty, and, indeed, it is probable that the same
types were coined over a number of years. It is, how-
ever, fairly certain that the obverse legend IMP. NERO
CAESAR AVG. P.P. is characteristic of the end of the
reign. It does not occur with the temple of Janus
reverse, which may be dated to about 64 : therefore it
can hardly come at the head of the series. It, alone of
the three obverse legends, occurs with the three types
of IVPPITER LIBERATOR, ROMA (seated figure, legend in
field) and Eagle and Standards : it is, therefore, un-
likely to occur in the middle of the series, and must
come at the end. The Eagle and Standards is probably
the last type of the reign : it might be connected
with the eastern expedition projected by Nero, but
more probably it refers to his warlike preparations
\ against the rebel Vindex. The brass coinage of Nero
offers some difficult problems, on which I can only just
touch here ; I will merely mention what seems im-
portant for our present purpose. The great bulk of
these coins bear no date; those that are dated fall
between the years 64-67. It is probable that nearly
the whole of the series belongs to the period between
62-63 and 68. This view involves some difficulties in
the explanation of reverse types, but has very strong
support in the coins themselves ; the imperial portrait
on the brass practically never shows any likeness to that
on the dated aurei and denarii of the years down to
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. 113
62-63, but constantly to that on those of the later
period. The brass of Nero was issued from two mints,
one, of course, the mint of Borne, the other a mint that
distinguishes its products by a small globe placed under
the neck, as also by peculiarities of obverse legend and
portrait. R. Mowat, noticing these points some years
ago, suggested Lugdunum as the place of issue,2 and
I think we may accept his suggestion, though we cannot
suppose with him that the small globe is the peculiar
mint-mark of Lugdunum ; it certainly occurs also on ?
coins struck in Spain. If, however, as seems reasonable,
we think of this new series as being, in a sense, a
continuation of the coinage of the early emperors at
Lugdunum, we may still regard his attribution as ex-
tremely probable. I would also attribute some of
the aurei and denarii of Nero's later period to this
mint.3
The way is now clear for the discussion of the coins
of our special period. We start with the so-called
" Autonomous " series, denarii and a few aurei, without v
name or head of any emperor, usually expressing in
their types republican or military sentiments. Excel-
lent pioneer work in this field was done many years
ago by the Due de Blacas,4 and much that he wrote then
holds good to-day ; on a few points, however, I am bound
to disagree with his results. There is no serious doubt
that these coins belong to the years 68 and 69 A.D. ; for
(1) The weights are, mainly, those of the reduced
aureus and denarius of Nero.
2 See R. N., 1895, p. 160 ff.
3 On the interesting question of the imperial mint of Lugdunum,
see L. Lafiranchi in Biv. Ital., 1913, 803 ff.
4 See B. N., 1862, 197 ff.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. I
114 H. MATTINGLY.
(2) The types show the closest relations with those
of Nero, Galba, Vitellius, and Vespasian,
j (3) The whole character of the series is well suited
to the chaotic conditions of these years.
Eckhel proposed to place a number of these coins in
the reign of Augustus ; for instance, he very plausibly
assigned the coin with obv. MARS VLTOR, rev. SIGN A P. R.
to the year 20 B.C., seeing in it a clear reference to the
restoration of Roman standards by the Parthians. But
this ingenious explanation takes no account of other
coins, with which the MARS VLTOR coin has undoubted
connexions, and must therefore be abandoned. The Due
de Blacas suggested that these coins should be assigned
to Rome, Gaul, and Spain. I accept his attributions
to Gaul and Spain, but cannot believe that any part
of the series was struck at Rome. The decisive ob-
jection seems to me to be this : if issued by the Senate,
the coins should bear some sign of its authority — for
example, the letters S.c. As a matter of fact, we find
that this is not the case. The few coins on which S.C.
does occur cannot, on account of their style and fabric,
possibly belong to Rome. The S.P.Q.R. in a wreath,
which is a common reverse type, alternates with other
reverses which omit all mention of the Senate. The
Due de Blacas quotes, in support of his view, a passage
of Tacitus, " patres laeti, usurpata statim libertate
licentius ut erga principem novum et absentem ; " 5 but
1 can hardly believe that the Senate could have dared
to usurp the right of coinage and deliberately omit
\| all reference to the emperor, whom it had itself
adopted. On this point we must be quite clear ; there
5 Tac., H., I. 4.
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. 115
was, strictly speaking, no interregnum at Home in 68 ;
the same meeting of the Senate that deposed Nero
bestowed the imperial office on Galba. If, then, the
Senate struck " Autonomous " coins, it did so in defiance
of an acknowledged emperor ; and this is really an im-
possible hypothesis. It was only in the provinces that /
there was something like an interregnum, i.e. a period
of uncertainty, during which men felt that the power
of Nero was over, yet did not know his successor and
could not tell to whom their allegiance was due. At
Corinth, for example, between the series of Nero and
Galba occur coins without any emperor's name and with
such legends as SENATV P.Q.R. and ROMAE ET IMPERIO.6
The " Autonomous " coins fall into three large classes,
fairly clearly divided from one another. The first of
these classes I assign to Spain, the second to Gaul, and
the third to Gaul or Upper Germany.
A. The Spanish Class. N, M. — The coins composing
this class are connected by similarity of types and, to
some extent, of style ; but minor distinctions of style
suggest a further subdivision into three sections : —
(a) tf, M. Coins of the following types: GENIO P.R.,
Rev. MARTI VLTORI; BON. EVENT., Rev. PACI P.R. [PI.
IX. 2]; LIBERTAS, Rev. P.R. RESTITVTA; LIBERTAS
RESTITVTA, Rev. S.P.Q.R. on shield; DIVVS AVGVSTVS,
Rev. SENATVS P.Q. ROMANVS; ROMA, Rev. PAX P.R. ;
MONETA, Rev. SALVTARIS;7 and a very interesting coin
in the collection of Sir Arthur Evans :
6 See Earle Fox, Journal International d' ' Archtologie Numis-
matique, 1899, 89 ff.
7 These lists make no pretence of being exhaustive : I have picked
out a number of prominent types of each mint. Since I am not
dealing with the types in close detail, I have quoted them in the
briefest possible form.
i2
116 H. MATTINGLY.
Obv.— HISPANIARVM ET GALLIARVM. Two small busts
facing ; between them a small Victory on a globe ;
above her, a star in a crescent ; below the busts,
r. a shield, 1. a trumpet.
Eev. — VICTORIA P.R. Victory in biga r., drawing her
bow.
For coins of Galba from the same mint see below,
p. 123.
(I) M. Coins of the types BON. EVENT., Eev. ROM.
RENASC. [PL IX. 1] and BON. EVENT., Eev. ROMA
RENASCES.
(c) A gold coin of the types BONI EVENTVS, Eev.
VIRTVS, weighing 122 grs. I assign this coin to Tar-
raco, the chief Spanish mint of Galba. (See below,
p. 121 ff.) Its place there is determined (i.) by its
exceptional weight — a feature which recurs in aurei of
Galba of this mint; (ii.) by very close similarity of
style to Galba's issue.
V Sections (a) and (b) are probably the issues of two
other Spanish mints ; it is impossible to fix names
to them, though Clunia might be suggested for one.
I suppose these coins to have been struck by Galba
in Spain between April 6 and early June, 68 A.D., i.e.
between the dates of his acceptance of the offer of
Empire from Vindex and of his receiving news of his
recognition by the Senate. As we shall see later, they
show clear traces of connexion with other " autonomous "
coins, which I attribute to Gaul, and with coins, bearing
Galba's portrait, which I attribute to Spain.
-v B. The Gallic Class. N, M. — A large class, which seems
to form, in a sense, one single whole, although differences
of style suggest that further subdivision may be required.
To this class belong ROMA RESTITVTA, Eev. IVPPITER
THE COINAGE OP THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. 117
LIBERATOR; VIRT., Eev. IVPPITER CVSTOS [PI. IX. 16] ;
VOLKANVS VLTOR, Eev. GENIOP.R.; ROMA RESTITVTA, Rev.
IVPPITER CONSERVATOR; GENIVS P.R., Eev. MARS VLTOR ;
VOLKANVS VLTOR, Eev. SIGNA P.R.; MARS VLTOR, Eev.
SIGNA P.R. [PI. IX. 17]; SALVS ET LIBERTAS, Rev. SIGNA
P.R.; SALVS GENERIS HVMANI, Rev. SIGNA P.R.; and, with
Rev. S.P.Q.R. in wreath, the following obverses: GENIVS
P.R., MARS VLTOR (bust), MARS VLTOR (standing figure),
PAX ET LIBERTAS, SALVS ET LIBERTAS, and SALVS
GENERIS HVMANI [PI. IX. 18].
There are several points to notice :
(1) The occurrence of the same types in various com-
binations, marking a relationship between the coins on
which they occur.
(2) A certain resemblance to the Spanish classes.
Compare, e.g., the types ROMA RENASCENS (Spanish), /
ROMA RESTITVTA (Gallic), GENIO P.R. (Sp.), GENIVS P.R. '
(G.), S.P.Q.R. on shield (Sp.), S.P.Q.R. in wreath (G.).
(3) The connexion with coins of Nero. Note the
types IVPPITER CVSTOS and IVPPITER LIBERATOR, both
used by Nero, and compare the type, SIGNA P.R. with " *.
eagle and standards, with Nero's similar uninscribed type.
These coins certainly form a single group ; but they
display no absolute uniformity of style, and it seems
possible, or rather probable, that they are the product
of more than one mint. We can hardly be wrong, I
think, in assigning them to the revolt of Vindex in
Gaul ; the appeals to republican and military sentiment
and the constant references to the Senate and people
of Home fit in admirably with this hypothesis. If we
must suggest a place, Augustodunum, the capital town
of the canton of the Eemi, who were among the most J
ardent supporters of Vindex, might be considered.
118
H. MATTINGLY.
Evidence of finds to confirm our attribution would be
very welcome ; hitherto I have only been able to hear
of single specimens found in Gaul and Britain.
To this Gallic class may be appended a series of
countermarked brass coins of Nero. They are all du-
pondii and asses and, so far as I have observed, belong
without exception to the class, distinguished by portrait,
legend, and small globe under the neck, which are
assigned to Lugdunum (see above, p. 113). The counter-
marks found on them are P.R. (Fig. 1), S.P.Q.R. and ^
(VESPA). The last of the three is undoubtedly the mark of
Vespasian; what of the P.R. and the S.P.Q.R.? Can any
better explanation be suggested than that these coins,
circulating in Gaul, were so countermarked by the
adherents of Vindex and thus form a series of brass,
corresponding to the gold and silver described above ?
FIG. 1. — As of Nero, countermarked on obverse P.R.
A third class of " Autonomous " coins, which I at-
tribute to Upper Germany or Gaul, will be found
described below (see p. 129 f.).
Before passing on to the coinage of Galba, we must
pause for a moment over that of Clodius Macer in Africa.
This man, who was " legatus Augusti pro praetore " of
the legio III Augusta in ISTuniidia, renounced his loyalty
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. 119
to Nero in the spring of 68 A.D. ; he refused, however,
to associate himself with Vindex and G-alba and pro- *
fessed allegiance only to the Senate. Even after the
death of Nero he still refused to acknowledge Galba ;
he raised a new legion, the legio I Macriana Liberatrix, v
and auxiliary cohorts, and threatened the corn supply of
Rome. However, before he could do much mischief, he
was put to death, on Galba's orders, by the procurator
Trebonius Garrutianus. His troops evidently left him
in the lurch. For a detailed account of his coins I will
refer to an excellent monograph by E. Mowat ; 8 here I
will only call attention to a few important points : —
(1) The formula S.C. which appears regularly on all
his coins.
(2) The title PROPRAE(TOR) AFRICAE, assumed by him,
apparently as a Eepublican equivalent for his official
title of " legatus Augusti pro praetore."
(3) The imitation of Mark Antony's legionary types — </
galley and standards.
One denarius requires a little further attention :
Obv.—L. CLODI MACRI CARTHAGO S.C. Draped bust of
turreted female, r. ; behind, a cornucopiae.
Rev. — SICILIA. A triskelis with a Medusa head for centre.
[PI. IX. 10.]
How can we explain the types? Macer certainly
never held Sicily ; did he succeed in winning Carthage ?
It is impossible to say with certainty, as Tacitus and
our other authorities give us the briefest of accounts
of his fall. But it is rather probable that he did ; there
were certainly no troops in the province of Africa
capable of resisting him, and an invasion of that province
8 In Bin. Ital., 1902, 165 fi.
]20 H. MATTINGLY.
.from Numidia would be his first step, when he had
VI decided to hold out against Galba.
We now come to the large and varied coinage of
Galba himself and to the problems that arise over its
classification. We shall have to take account of varieties
of style and fabric, of legend and of portrait ; a careful
study of these may help us to class the coins, and we
can then check our system by a comparison with other
nearly contemporary issues. We start with a group of
denarii, presumably the earliest of the reign, which show
as obverse type a figure of Galba, riding right or left : the
accompanying legends are either (1) GALBA IMP- or
(2) SER. GALBA IMP. and SER. GALBA IMP. AVG.
(1) With GALBA IMP. Eev. HISPANIA (small draped
bust, r., with spears, shield, and ears of corn) [PL IX. 4],
Probably from the mint of Tarraco (cp. above, p. 116,
and below, p. 121 ff.). I have noted two small varieties
of style, but both may belong to the same mint.
(2) With SER. GALBA IMP., &c. (The legend SERVI.
GALBA IMP. occurs with the rev. ROMA RENASCENS
[PI. IX. 19]). The reverses are HISPANIA (small draped
bust, r., with spears, shield, and ears of corn), GALLIA
(bust, r.), TRES GALLIAE (three small busts, r.), VIRTVS'
(bust, r.).
The reverse types practically prove that these coins
belong to a Gallic mint — probably, I think, the mint,
or mints, which issued the autonomous coins described
above, p. 116 ff. (cp. too p. 123, below).9 Mowat con-
fidently assigns the "TRES GALLIAE " type to
Lugdunum ; but
(1) The globe below the neck is certainly not, as he
assumes, the mark of one mint only ;
9 This suggestion is based largely on considerations of style.
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. 121
(2) Coins of very different style and fabric may be
assigned, for really strong reasons, to Lugdunum, leaving
no place there for these.
We proceed to the coins of Galba that bear his
portrait.
A. Spain.
1. Mint of Tarraco. N, M.
Two series, with obverse legends (1) GALBA IMP. (2)
GALBA IMPERATOR. Although to some extent distinct
in style, the two series may belong to the same mint.
If not, I would assign (2) to Tarraco, (1) to another mint
in Spain. The chief reverse types found in these classes
are CONCORDIA PROVINCIARVM, DIVA AVGVSTA, GALLIA
HISPANIA, HISPANIA, LIBERTAS PVBLICA, ROMA RENASC.
[PI. IX. 6], ROMA RENASCENS [PL IX. 5], ROMA
VICTRIX, S.P.Q.R., viRTVS. (3) A series of coins, with
obverse legend SER. GALBA IMP. CAESAR AVG. P.M.
TR. P., and reverses ROMA RENASC., ROMA VICTRIX,
S.P.Q.R. OB. C.S., ViRTVS [PI. IX. 7], is clearly marked
out by style as a later continuation of the same mint.
It is a curious fact that aurei of series (2) and (3)
always weigh about 118 grains, i.e. the weight of the
unreduced aureus.10
Why should this class of coins be assigned to Tarraco ?
The reasons are fairly convincing. We find coins of
Vitellius and Vespasian, which unmistakably belong to
the same mint. Now, as Otho must have struck at
Home, his coins show us the style and fabric of the
Roman mint, and we can thus detect the Roman coins
of Vitellius ; another class of coins of Vitellius seems to
belong to Lugdunum. The only probable place for a
third mint common to Galba, Vitellius, and Vespasian is
10 I have not been able to learn the weight of any aureus of series (1).
122 H. MATTINGLY.
somewhere in Spain. Further, a coin of Vespasian and
a coin of Divus Augustus, both of this mint, bear the
Rev. HIS PAN I A, and an as of Vitellius, apparently of
similar style, has the Rev. CONSENSVS HISPANIARVM.
We know, too, that Galba struck gold and silver in
Spain,11 and we expect his Spanish mint to be, as this
is, a prominent one. The mint then being certainly
Spanish, Tarraco, the capital of the province of Tarra-
conensis, is the natural place to think of.
The next question is that of the date of these coins,
a question which we can best answer by taking it in a
more general form. To what period do those coins
belong on which Galba bears the title of IMPERATOR,
but not of CAESAR or AVGVSTVS? Suetonius (Galba, 10)
tells us that " Galba was hailed imperator by his troops,
but declared himself the legate of the Senate and people
of Eome ; " and Dio Cassius (Ixiii. 29. 6) informs us that
Galba only took the title of Caesar on hearing of his
recognition by the Senate, and would not even accept
the title of imperator on any public document before
that date. Plutarch (Galba 20) leads us to suppose
that Galba struck coins very soon after his acceptance
of Vindex's offer of the Empire. After much con-
sideration I think we must accept Dio's statement as
applying to the coins and must therefore date all
the coins that give Galba the title of IMPERATOR to
the period immediately following early June, when he
received news of the fall of Nero. The only coinage
of Galba, prior to that date, will be the " autonomous "
pieces, which we assigned to Spain (see above, p. 115 f.).
One might have expected that Vindex and his supporters
would have placed the name of Galba on their coins.
11 Cp. Plut., Galba, 20.
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. 123
It is, perhaps, just possible that some of the coins of
Galba, assignable to Gaul, may belong to them ; they
may not have respected his objection to the title of
IMPERATOR. More probably, the end of the movement
of Vindex, coming quite soon after the elevation of
Galba to the Empire, prevented the starting of a new
coinage. The adoption of the full imperial title,
IMP CAESAR AVGVSTVS P.M. TR. P. by Galba probably
dates from early July, when he met the envoys of the
Senate at Narbo.12
(2) Uncertain mint, the same as that of " Autonomous,"
Spanish, class A above (see p. 115), JR.
Obverse legend GALBA IMPERATOR. Eev. LIBERTAS
RESTITVTA (head, r.), LIBERTAS RESTITVTA (standing
figure), VICTORIA P.R., VIRTVS [PL IX. 3], BON. EVENT.,
GALLIA HISPANIA. It is the style, and particularly the
lettering, that leads us to associate these coins with the
above-mentioned " autonomous " series.
B. Gaul.
(I) JR. — Coins with Obv.SER. GALBA iMP.andSER. GALBA
IMPERATOR and Eev. VICTORIA P.R. and VIRTVS [PI. X. 1],
probably from the same mint as "Autonomous" Gallic (1),
and the horseman type of Galba (2), above (see p. 116
and p. 120). The place may possibly be Augustodunum.
(2) N, JR. — Coins with Obv. SER. GALBA IMPERATOR,
clearly distinct in style from (1). Coins of the same style
show also the legend SER. GALBA IMP. CAESAR AVG. P.M.
TR. P. The reverse types in this class are CONCORDIA
PROVINCIARVM, VICTORIA P.R. [PL IX. 14], and VICTORIA
GALBAE AVG. The mint may be Narbo (see below, p. 128).
(3) Mint of Lugdunum. N, JR. — Obverse legend SER.
SVLPICIVS GALBA (with AVG. IMP. on reverse) and, more
12 Suet., Galba, 11.
124 H. MATTINGLY.
commonly, IMP. GALBA CAESAR AVG. P.P.; chief reverse
types AEQVITAS AVG., FORTVNA AVG. [PI. X. 3], PAX. AVG.
The style is curious and the lettering is particularly dis-
tinctive ; we may note especially the form X for A.
There are several reasons for assigning these coins to
Lugdunum :
(a) We find coins of Nero, Vitellius, and Vespasian
of unmistakably similar style. We can fix with some
confidence the issues of Vitellius at Rome and Tarraco ;
his one remaining issue must, practically speaking, have
been in Gaul, and Lugdunum is the only Gallic mint
that could well have been common to Nero, Galba,
Vitellius, and Vespasian.
(&) The title IMP. . . . CAESAR AVG. P.P. was the latest
in use on Nero's coins. If, as I suppose, there was an
imperial mint at Lugdunum, it would naturally carry
over the old imperial title to the new Emperor.
There is also a small class of denarii with Obv. GALBA
IMP., Rev. CONCORDIA PROVINCIARVM [PI. X. 2], which
seem to belong to Lugdunum ; they show very great
likeness of portrait to brass coins, which, for other reasons,
must be assigned to Lugdunum (see below, p. 127).
The difficulty is that the style of these pieces is not
exactly that of the coins just above described ; but, as the
reasons for attribution seem sound in both cases, I class
the two series together.13
C. Africa.
\f
To this province I assign a small class of denarii,
distinguished mainly by bearing the letters S.C. :
\
* 13 One might suppose that Lugdunum had two mints — an imperial
for gold and silver, a senatorial for copper, working independently ; in
this case, the former class here might be the product of the imperial
mint, the latter an exceptional silver issue of the senatorial.
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. 125
1. Obv. — HISPANIA S.C. Draped bust of Hispania, r. ;
behind, two spears ; below, small round shield ;
in front, two ears of corn.
Bev. — A shield lying on two crossed spears ; in the
angles formed by the spears, S.P.Gj.R.
[PL IX. 11.]
2.' Obv.— SER. SVLPICIVS GALBA IMP. AVG. Type similar
to no. 1.
Bev.— Similar to no. 1. [PL IX. 12.]
3. Obv.— SER. SVLPICI GALBAE IMP. A. Type similar
to no. 1.
Bev. — Similar to no. 1.
4. Obv.— SER. GALBA IMP. AVG. Head of Galba, laureate,
r. ; small globe under neck.
Bev. — VICTORIA P.R. S.C. Victory standing r. on globe,
holding wreath and palm. [PL IX. 13.]
I assign this class to Africa and date it to the
latter half of June, 68. Note the following points : —
(1) S.C. appears as on the coins of Macer.
(2) There is some similarity of style and lettering
between these coins and those of Macer.
(3) The unusual genitives in the obverse inscrip-
tions, SER. SVLPICI GALBAE and L. CLODI MACRI. (/
(4) These coins are quite unlike the classes assigned
to Gaul and Spain. If they stand apart from these
groups, Africa is one of the few remaining places where
they could have been struck.
If our suggestion is correct, we shall have to assume^
that they were struck by friends of Galba, probably at
Carthage, in direct protest against Macer's hostile
attitude. If Macer, as I believe, seized Carthage, he
must have interrupted this issue to strike his own coins ; i/
126 H. MATTINGLY.
then, on the overthrow of Macer, the coins with Eev.
VICTORIA P.R., presumably the last of the series, would
be struck.
D. Rome. N, M.
To this mint may be assigned a very large number of
coins, showing some seven or more distinct portraits
and the obv. legends SER. GALBA CAESAR AVG., IMP. SER.
GALBA AVG., IMP. SER. GALBA CAESAR AVG. (or AVG. P.M.),
and, very rarely, GALBA IMP. The favourite reverses are
DIVA AVGVSTA [PI. X. 12], HISPANIA, ROMA RENASC., SALVS
GENERIS HVMANl, S.P.Q.R. OB. C.S. in wreath [PI. X. 10],
VICTORIA P.R. [PL X. 11].
/• The head is usually laureate, but is occasionally found
bare, notably on the fine coins with Obv. IMP. SER. GALBA
AVG. Eev. S.P.Q.R. OB. C.S. The series will date from
June 6, 68, the day of Galba's accession at Kome, to
January 15, 69, the day of his murder. Of the obverse
Megends GALBA IMP. will naturally be placed earliest;
IMP. SER. GALBA AVG. must follow, for it occurs with
practically the same portrait as does GALBA IMP.;
SER. GALBA CAESAR AVG. probably comes next, and
then IMP. SER. GALBA CAESAR AVG. closes the list.
Perhaps something further in the way of arrange-
ment remains to be done here ; but my present plan
will not allow me to attempt greater detail. In spite
of all varieties of legend and portrait, I think we must
treat this class as a single whole. The general style,
especially in the lettering, is remarkably uniform
throughout and undoubtedly corresponds to that of the
coins of Otho, which must have been struck at Rome.14
14 Count de Sails, who arranged the British Museum Series with
great skill and judgment, assigned a part of this group to Gaul ; but
I can find no reason for his classification.
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. 127
This completes our survey of the gold and silver coins
of Galba, and we come now to his brass. We have seen
above (p. 113) that Nero struck brass at two mints,
(a) Borne, (6) Lugdunum. There is practically no doubt
that Galba did the same. We can pick out a series,
marked by a distinctive portrait, frequently with the
small globe under the neck, which would correspond
well to Nero's Gallic series. Further, a number of coins
(Fig. 2) of this class bear, as an adjunct to the reverse
legend, the letters R. XL. (Remissa Quadragensima), which v
very probably refers to the famous customs-duty, the
FIG. 2. — Sestertius of Galba, with R. XL. on reverse.
" Quadragensima Galliarum." 15 We know for a fact that
Galba did remit certain Gallic taxes ; whilst, on the
other hand, if the reference is not to this tax, we have
to invent a meaning for the phrase, by supposing the
remission of some tax, called " quadragensima," at
Rome. The rest of the brass coins of Galba are pre-
sumably to be referred to Rome, with the exception of
a few second brass, which show a style very similar to
that of Tarraco and probably belong to that mint. The
many obverse legends are bewilderingly difficult to
15 See Mowat, E. N., 1895, 160 f.
128 H. MATTINGLY.
class ; I suggest, for the Eoman mint, the following
sequence : —
(1) SER. SVLPI. GALBA IMP. CAESAR AVG.
(2) SER. GALBA IMP. CAESAR AVG.
(3) IMP. SER. GALBA AVG. TR. P.
(4) IMP. SER. SVLP. GALBA CAESAR AVG.
(5) IMP. SER. GALBA CAESAR AVG.18
• Lugdunum apparently has only two varieties of
legend : —
(1) SER. GALBA IMP. CAESAR AVG.
(2) IMP. SER. GALBA AVGVSTVS.
After the intricacies of Galba's coinage that of Otho
is quite refreshing in its simplicity. Otho issued gold
and silver from the mint of Kome, with the obverse
legend IMP. OTHO (or M. OTHO) CAESAR AVG. TR. P., and
Rev. PAX ORBIS TERRARVM [PI. X. 13], PONT. MAX. (with
several different types), SECVRITAS P.R., and VICTORIA
OTHONIS. But one aureus in the British Museum
belongs to some other mint. It has
Obv.— IMP. OTHO CAESAR AVG. TR. P. Head of Otho,
bare, r.
Rev.— PONT. [MAX.] Vesta seated 1. [PI. IX. 15.]
The style is quite distinct from that of the ordinary
series, and the weight, 117'4 grs., is equally unusual. If
we look for a likeness to this coin in the series of Galba,
we shall find it among coins which we have attributed to
the mint of Narbo (see above, p. 123); as an aureus of Galba
of this class weighs 116'2 grs., we may regard the weight
as a further indication of relationship between the coins.
If then we have here a mint, other than Kome, common
to Galba and Otho, Narbo is a very probable suggestion ;
18 I leave minor varieties out of account.
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. 129
the province of Narbonensis originally declared for Otho
against ViteHius, but soon threw in its lot with the
German armies. The only trouble then is that we
might have expected coins of Vitellius from the same
mint ; but this negative objection can hardly be allowed
much weight.
Otho, as every schoolboy knows, is unrepresented in
the series of Koman brass. The fact is undoubted ; no
coin with any serious claim to genuineness has ever yet
appeared. But the reason usually assigned, that the
Senate did not recognize Otho as Emperor, is demon-
strably false.17 The fact is, we do not know the precise
reason of his lack of brass coinage. It has clearly some-
thing to do with the very short period of Otho's stay as
Emperor in Rome ; probably the Senate, which certainly
had no love for Otho, discovered some colourable pretext
for holding back the new issue for a time.
Next in order comes a third series of " Autonomous "
coins already referred to above (see p. 118).
C. Class of Upper Germany. — Denarii, many of them
plated and of very rude fabric, showing the following
combinations of types : —
FIDES EXERCITVVM, Eev. FIDES EXERCITVVM ; FIDES
EXERCITVVM, Rev. FIDES PRAETORIANORVM [PI. X. 8];
FIDES EXERCITVVM, Rev. CONCORDIA PRAETORIANORVM ;
VESTA P.R. QVIRITIVM (bust), Rev. FIDES EXERCITVVM ;
VESTA P.R. QVIRITIVM (bust), Rev. I.O.M. CAPITOLINVS
(seated figure) [PI. X. 7]; VESTA P.R. QVIRITIVM (bust),
Rev. SENATVS P.Q. ROMANVS; I.O.M. CAPITOLINVS (bust),
Rev. VESTA P.R. QVIRITIVM (seated figure) ; DIVVS AVGVSTVS,
Rev. SENATVS P.Q. ROMANVS.
17 Cp. Tac., H., I. 47.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. K
130 H. MATTINGLY.
We notice
(1) the interlinking of types ;
(2) the predominant military sentiment ;
(3) the close connexion with the coinage of Vitellius,
who himself uses the types FIDES EXERCITVVM, CON-
CORDIA PRAETORIANORVM, FIDES PRAETORIANORVM,
I.O.M. CAPITOLINVS (seated figure), SENATVS P Q. ROMANVS,
VESTA P.R. QVIRITIVM (seated figure).
It is certain, then, that these coins form a single group
and stand in close relation to the revolt of the troops in
the Germanies, which raised Vitellius to the throne. But
it is difficult to fix either time or place with absolute
precision. The coins seem to belong to the period of
the revolt of the legions in Upper Germany, before the
legions of Lower Germany had declared Yitellius
Emperor. Yet the interval here was one of a very
few days (January 1 to 3, 69), a very short time allow-
ance for our coinage. It is perhaps possible that, as
the rebellion had been some time in planning, pre-
parations for a coinage were already well advanced,
when the revolt actually broke out. Where then were
the coins struck ? Some specimens show a style
approximating to that of Lugdunum ; others are very
rough and crude. On the whole, it seems most
probable that the coins were struck in Upper
Germany, presumably at the military headquarters
at Mogontiacum. The references to the praetorians
are explained by a passage in Suetonius (Galba,
16), " sed maxime fremebat superioris Germaniae
exercitus, fraudari se praemio navatae adversus Gallos
et Vindicem operae. Ergo primi obsequium rumpere
ausi Kal. Jan. adigi sacramento nisi in nomen senatus
recusarunt, statimque legationes ad praetorianos cum
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. 131
mandatis destinaverunt : displicere imperatorem in His-
pania factum ; eligerent ipsi quem cuncti exercitus
comprobarent." The frequently recurring type of two
clasped hands is illustrated by a passage in Tacitus
(Histories, I. 54), " Miserat civitas Lingonum vetere
institute dona legionibus dextras, hospitii insigne." 18
The study of this last class brings us naturally to the
coins of Vitellius. After our earlier discussions classi-
fication here is a simple matter.
A. Spain. Mint of Tarraco. -V, JR. Obv. legend,
A. VITELLIVS IMP. GERMAN, or GERMANICVS. Head,
laureate, usually 1. (occasionally r.). Sometimes there
is a small branch in front of the neck.
Rev. types, CLEMENTIA IMP. GERMANICI, CONSENSVS
EXERCITVVM, FIDES EXERCITVVM, L. VITELLI III COS.
CENS., LIBERI IMP. GERMANICI, LIBERTAS RESTITVTA
[PL IX. 8], VICTORIA AVGVSTI, VICTORIA IMP. GERMANICI.
The rev. I.O.M. CAPITOLINVS and VESTA P.R. QVIRITIVM
do not occur here.
A few asses (Fig. 3) of rough fabric, with the rev.
CONSENSVS EXERCITVVM, FIDES EXERCITVVM, show a
FIG. 3.— As of Vitellius.
similar portrait to the gold and silver and may be
assigned with some confidence to this mint. The date
18 Cp. too Tac., H., II. 8.
132 H. MATTINGLY.
of the issue will be from early January to early July,
69 ; it was not till his arrival in Eome in July that
Vitellius adopted the title of Augustus. Style and
fabric clearly mark these coins as the issue of that mint
which, as we decided above, must be Tarraco.
B. Gaul. Mint of Lugdunum. N, M. Obverse
legend, A. VITELLIVS IMP. GERMAN. Head, laureate, r.
The style marks these coins as belonging to the same
mint as that which we decided above to be Lugdunum.
Eev. types, CONSENSVS EXERCITVVM, FIDES EXER-
CITVVM, I.O.M. CAPITOLINVS, LIBERI IMP. GERMANIC!,
VESTA P.R. QVIRITIVM [PI. X. 4], The date will be the
same as for the issues of Tarraco above ; but probably
this mint started coining for Vitellius rather earlier than
that. A few coins belong to a date after early July ; cp.
the aureus in the British Museum, A. VITELLIVS GER. IMP.
AVG. P. MAX. TR. P., rev. CONSENSVS EXERCITVVM
[PI. X. 5].
0. Eome. N, M.
(1) Without title of AVGVSTVS. Obverse legend, A.
VITELLIVS GERMAN. IMP. TR. P. (a) head, bare, r. ;
(&) head, laureate, r. ; date, April 19, to early July, 69.
(2) With title of AVGVSTVS. Obverse legend as above ;
head, laureate, r.
Ke verse types of the Koman mint, CONCORDiA P.R.
[PL X. 14], IVPPITER VICTOR, LIBERTAS RESTITVTA,
LIBERI IMP. GERMANICI, L. VITELLIVS COS. Ill CENSOR
(bust, and seated figure), PONT. MAXIM [PL X. 15],
XVVIR. SACR. FAC., Victory seated 1. (uninscribed).
The Rev. FIDES EXERCITVVM occurs only with (1) (a).
The brass of Vitellius, apart from the few asses
mentioned above, belongs entirely to the mint of Kome.
The portrait is fairly uniform, but there are a number of
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. 133
small varieties of legend. As all the coins bear the
imperial title of AVGVSTVS, they are all later than early
July, 69, when Vitellius on his entry into Rome adopted
that title.
Rev. types, CERES AVG., L. VITELLIVS COS. Ill CENSOR,
MARS VICTOR, PAX AVGVSTI, S.C. (Mars, r.), VICTORIA
AVGVSTI.
A few coins may, with high probability, be assigned to
the Gallic re volt against Rome in 69-70. I will describe
the few specimens that seem to me to belong here :
1. Obv. — GALLIA. Bust of Gallia, draped, with hair in
roll, torque round neck, r. ; behind head, a
Gallic trumpet.
Rev. — FIDES. Two clasped hands holding two ears of
corn and a standard surmounted by a wild
boar. JR..
In the Haeberlin collection.19
2. Obv. — LIBERTAS RESTITVTA. Bust of Libertas, draped,
veiled and diademed, r. ; in front of bust, a
corn-ear.
Rev. — CON COR Dl A. Concordia seated 1., holding in r.
hand a spear, surmounted by a boar, and in 1.
hand a caduceus. JR.
3. Obv.— Similar to 2.
Rev. — MARS ADSERTOR. Mars standing facing, look-
ing r., holding standard and shield. JR.
4. Obv.— Similar to 2.
Rev. — Similar to 3. But Mars holds trophy and shield.
JR.
5. Obv.— Similar to 2.
Rev. — MARS V LTO R . Mars standing r . , holding standard
and shield. JR.
19 See M. Hermann, Eine Gallische Unabhangigkeitsmiinze aus
romischer Kaiser zeit.
134 H. MATTINGLY.
6. Obv. — SALVTIS. Head of Salus, diademed, r.
Jfojj. — CONCORDIA. Concordia standing 1., holding an
olive-branch and a cornucopiae. N.
The wild boar on the reverses of (1) and (2) was the
national emblem of Gaul.20 The appeals are all to the
love of liberty and to martial spirit and there is a total
absence of reference to the Senate, people, or armies of
Borne. These coins, then, form a group somewhat apart
from any other and probably belong to the Gallic revolt.
The date will be from January to late in 70 ; the place
can hardly be ascertained, but would probably be in
Upper or Lower Germany.
A remarkably interesting denarius in the collection
of Sir Arthur Evans seems to require a place by itself.
Its description is as follows : —
Obv.— ADSERTOR LIBERTATIS. Head of Mars (?) hel-
meted, r.
j&>0.— LEGION. XV. PRIMI[GEN]. Victory standing r.,
erecting a trophy, consisting of a cuirass, a
round and an oblong shield and a pair of
greaves.21 [PI. X. 9.]
If types mean anything, this coin has some special
connexion with the legio XV Primigeneia. During
the whole of our period it was stationed at Vetera in
Lower Germany. Its companion legion, the V Alauda,
and a detachment of itself marched with Valens to
Italy; the main body of the XVth stayed at Vetera
20 See Hermann, quoted above, n. 19.
21 I am deeply indebted to Sir Arthur Evans for permission to
publisb this and other of his coins. The trophy has been described as
Celtiberian, but I have the authority of Mr. Horace Sandars for stating
that there is nothing distinctively Celtiberian about it.
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF 68-69 A.D. 135
and was besieged there by Civilis during the German
revolt. I would attribute this coin, then, to Vetera,
during its siege by the Germans. How are we to account
for the omission of all reference to an Emperor ? Tacitus
(H., IV. 37) will supply the clue ; he tells us " Vitellii
tamen imagines in castris et per proximas Belgarum
civitates repositae, cum iam Yitellius occidisset," i.e. the
troops, after having accepted Vespasian, once more re-
turned to their old allegiance to Vitellius, not knowing
him to be dead. What did they do when the news of
his death arrived ? Having no allegiance left to which
to turn they must have based their last hopes on their
own valour and on their patron god of war.
The coinage of Vespasian is too large a subject to
bring within the scope of this paper : I can only deal
with it in the briefest outline, noting its points of
connexion with the issues we have been discussing.
A. Spain. Mint of Tarraco. N* JR. Coins identified
by style, on comparison with issues of Galba and Vitel-
lius. Among the reverse types are COS. ITER. FORT.
RED. [PI. IX. 9], IVDAEA, PAX, CONSENSVS EXERCITVVM,
HISPANIA, MARS CONSERV, MARS VLTOR.
Two coins with Obv. Diws AVGVSTVS, Rev. HISPANIA and
PAX P.R. respectively, certainly belong to this same mint,
and probably to this period of it.
B. Gaul. Mint of Lugdunum. N, M. Coins identi-
fied by style, on comparison with issues of Galba and
Vitellius. Among the many reverse types are IVDAEA
DEVICTA, DE IVDAEIS, TRIVMP. AVG. [PI. X. 6], PACI
AVGVSTI, S.P.Q.R.P.P.OB.C.S., TITVS ET DOMITIANVS
CAESARES, and VESTA.
This coinage certainly extends from 69 to 72, and
perhaps later ; but after 72 it is rather more doubtful.
136 H. MATTINGLY.
Both these mints, Tarraco and Lugdunum, seem to
have issued brass, at any rate in the early years of
Vespasian.
C. Rome. Nt M. It is not easy to decide exactly
which of the earlier issues of Vespasian are from this
mint. One class of coin, however, is marked down to
Rome by the portrait of Vespasian, which is little more
than an adaptation of the Roman portrait of Vitellius
[see PI. X. 16].
Other coins of Vespasian belong to other parts of the
Empire and lie apart from our subject. Such are
(1) The Syrian class, struck at Antioch and possibly
at other places, such as Berytus.
(2) The Asia Minor class, struck at the mints of
Ephesus, Byzantium, and probably several other
cities.
(3) Coins struck for the armies of Illyricum, at
Aquileia (?).
There are probably a few other subordinate mints still
to be traced. I trust to follow up this question in a later
paper.
We have now completed our survey of the coinage of
the Civil Wars and have seen how well it mirrors the
stirring events of the time. We have seen how the right
of coinage, attached to the imperial office, is naturally
exercised by each Emperor in that part of the Empire in
which he happens to be ; this fact may throw light both
on the origin of the imperial coinage in general and on
the placing of certain special issues in the first and
second centuries A.D. And, although numismatics cannot
add much to our historical knowledge of the time, it can
at least perform its useful and normal function of illus-
trating and vivifying history.
THE COINAGE OF THE CIVIL WAKS OF 68-69 A.D. 137
I conclude with two charts, giving a conspectus of
the coinage which we have been discussing —
Gaul.
Upper
Ger-
Spain.
Africa.
Gold and silver.
Rome.
many.
Lugdn-
num.
Augusto-
tlunum (?)
Narbo.
Mogon-
tiacnm
Tar-
raco.
Un-
certain.
Un-
certain.
Car-
thage (?)
Nero ....
X
X
_
_
_
Clodius Macer .
—
_
—
_
_
_
_.
_
X
" Autonomous "
—
9
X
_
X (?)
X
X
X
X
Galba ....
X
X
x (?)
X
_
X
X
_
X
Otho ....
X
_
_
X
_
_
_
Vitellius . . .
X
X
—
—
_
X
_
—
—
Vespasian . .
X
X
—
—
—
X
—
—
—
Brass.
Rome.
Lugduuum.
Tarraco.
Nero . . .
X
X
Galba . . .
X
X
X
Otho . . .
_
_
_
Vitellius . .
x
—
X
Vespasian .
X X
X
H. MATTINGLY.
VII.
EDWABD VI AND DURHAM HOUSE.
THE shadow of uncertainty has rested upon the com-
ments of writers who have from time to time affirmed
or doubted the existence of a working mint during the
reign of Edward VI in the Strand palace of the Bishops
of Durham. I shall, however, hope to prove in the
following pages that the affirmative tradition can now
be accepted as an established fact, as it has apparently
fallen to my lot to bring to light certain evidence which
should remove the main question, at least, from the
region of speculation.
The Durham House of Tudor days, as shown in early
prints, occupied a fine position facing the Thames, its
land running northwards from the river to the line of
the Strand. The site was eventually cleared by the
brothers Adam in the eighteenth century for the purpose
of erecting the buildings known as the Adelphi, but the
name of the old palace is perpetuated by Durham Street.
Stow in his Survey of London (1598) when describing
the house makes no reference to a mint, although he
mentions elsewhere the similar establishment at Suffolk
House in Southwark. It is also remarkable that the
King's Journal does not contain any allusion to the new
departure in 1548-1549.
Before dealing with the recently acquired informa-
tion I will turn aside for a moment to consider two
EDWARD VI AND DURHAM HOUSE. 139
mutually destructive stories which have grown up side
by side with the real history of the undertaking. These
are the allegations (1) that Sir Wm. Sharington, in
collusion with Thomas, Lord Seymour of Sudeley, carried
on this mint, and (2) that Edward, Duke of Somerset,
" erected a mint at Duresme Place for his own private
advantage." It is, I think, quite obvious that the
former statement is due to a confusion between Durham
House and Bristol, which latter mint had been fraudu-
lently exploited by Sharington and Thomas Seymour
(Num. Chron., Ser. IV. Vol. XI. pp. 331-350), both of
whom were, as a matter of fact, prisoners in the Tower, for
other reasons, at the date when the industry at Durham
House came into being; and it would seem the more
desirable to correct this misapprehension as it has lately
obtained wider circulation in Mr. E. B. Chancellor's work
The Annals of the Strand (1912). The charge against
the Duke of Somerset cannot perhaps be so absolutely
refuted, but it is, I believe, equally untrue, although
it was put forward in his lifetime.
Edward Seymour, in his capacity as Protector of the
realm, undoubtedly established the new mint, a step
which may have given rise to the imputation, as the
Bristol scandal had then recently become public
property. But the most significant circumstance in
favour of the Protector's innocence in this matter is the
absence of a single word suggesting malpractices at
Durham House from the 28 articles of accusation which
were preferred against him at his subsequent impeach-
ment. Such evidence would have been easy to find if
there had been any truth in the charge. Among the
confessions of Sharington there is a conversation which
affords an instance of these contemporary rumours, and
140 HENRY SYMONDS.
illustrates the bitterness which then existed between the
two members of the Seymour family. On February 15,
1548-1549, Sharington alleged that at the opening of
the mint in Durham Place, Thomas Seymour said to him
that he hoped the "Lord Protector do not make that
rnynt for himself," to which Sharington replied, "No,
they have indenturs as well as we [i.e. at Bristol] betwixt
the King and them," and that the Lord Admiral rejoined
that Bowes the treasurer was the Protector's man, as he
had been informed (Haynes's State Papers of Lord
Burleigli, 1740).
[Returning now to the principal subject, the first
document is that which sets out the constitution of the
mint in a form which is unusual in the case of a new
organization, the more general custom being to execute
an indenture, or agreement, between the Crown and the
intended officers.1
A Commission was directed to " John Bowes esquyer
treasaurer of oure mynt within oure maner called
Dureham Place, Robert Eecorde esquyer comptroler of
the same mynt, and John Maire gentilman general
assayer there ; " reciting that the King, by the advice
of his well-beloved uncle, Edward, Duke of Somerset,
and others of the Privy Council, was resolved to make
certain new moneys of gold and silver of the standards
and valuations thereinafter mentioned, " after oure
pclamacions be set fourth in that behalf." The three
officers were ordered to strike into print four manner of
coins of 22 c. fine gold and 2 c. alloy in the Ib. Troy, viz.
1 In an Exchequer account (303/5) certain sums are allowed for the
cost of writing the respective indentures for the mints at the Tower,
Southwark, Canterbury, York, Bristol and Dublin, between the regnal
years 1 and 4 Edw. VI, but no mention is made of a document for
Durham House.
EDWARD VI AND DURHAM HOUSE. 141
The sovereign, running for 20s., of which 34 shall
weigh 1 Ib. Troy.
Half sovereign, "Our Edward royall," for 10s., of
which 67 shall weigh 1 Ib. Troy.
Crown, for 5s., of which 136 shall weigh 1 Ib. Troy.
Half-crown, for 2s. Gd., of which 272 shall weigh 1 Ib.
Troy.
A " remedy " of 2 grains, or £ of a carat, in the Ib.
Troy.
The treasurer might buy fine gold of 24 c. at £3 the
ounce, in lawful moneys by tale, and gold of less fineness
at proportionate rates.
And to strike into print two manner of coins of 8 oz.
fine silver and 4 oz. alloy in the Ib. Troy, viz.
The shilling, running for I2d., of which 96 shall weigh
1 Ib. Troy.
Half-shilling, running for §d., of which 187 shall
weigh 1 Ib. Troy.
A " remedy " of 2dwt. in the Ib. Troy.
And shall continue to make, notwithstanding any-
thing within the present commission, groats, half- groats,
pence, halfpence and farthings of 4 oz. fine silver and
8 oz. alloy, according to the limitations of "a pair of
indentures made between us and other our officers there "
and bearing date December 2, 2 Edw. VI (1548). And
furthermore shall continue the converting of " our
money latelie called testons" according to the com-
missions directed to the treasurers and others of the
mints within the Tower, and dated February 16,
2 Edw. VI (1547-1548). And to the intent that the
moneys aforesaid might be richly made in weight and
fineness, the officers were authorized to make the same
as nigh unto the said standards as they, "being kept
142 HENRY SYMONDS.
out of danger," might conveniently make them. Dated
at Westminster, January 29, 3 Edw. VI (1548-1549).
(Patent Boll, 3 Edw. VI, part 3, m. 22 dors.)
The terms of the document are peculiar in more than
one respect. First, it is unquestionable that this com-
mission was not the earliest step in the process of setting
up the mint at Durham House, because we are told that
in the previous December the customary indenture had
been executed by certain unnamed officers. At this
point, however, the Exchequer records fail us ; the pro-
visions of this indenture, the names of those entrusted
with the work, and the reason for their presumed dis-
missal after seven weeks only, cannot now be ascertained,
and to that extent the history of the undertaking must
be left incomplete, unless the requisite facts should be
incidentally disclosed by other public or private records
not directly relating to the coinage. Again, the con-
cluding extract from the commission seems to be quite
without precedent, inasmuch as it gives the officers an
unusually free hand (beyond the limits of the " remedy ")
in the making of the coins ; under such circumstances
the omission of a proviso as to the trials of the pyx,
either in the mint or at Westminster, is not altogether
surprising, and it should also be noted that there is no
order for the use of a privy mark. One other feature
of interest in this document calls for notice. For the
first time in the annals of our mint history the coins
described as the " shilling " and the " half-shilling " were
ordered to be struck for currency. It is, of course, true
that several indentures in the first year of Edward VI
provided for silver coins of twelve pence, but these
were called " testons " and were of much greater weight.
With respect to the three men who were responsible
EDWARD VI AND DURHAM HOUSE. 143
for the operations at Durham House, I find no record of
their appointments other than is contained in the com-
mission, an oversight which is characteristic of the hap-
hazard methods of administration in vogue during this
reign. John Bowes, the head of the establishment, will
be referred to later in connexion with the mint-marks
on the coins, meanwhile I think that I recognize in
Robert Eecorde, the comptroller, a trusted and expert
servant of the Crown who was sent to Bristol to help
Sir Thomas Chamberlain, and who was afterwards chief
technical adviser at the mines and the mint in Ireland.
Possibly he was the physician and mathematician who
bore the same names and who died in 1558. Of John
Maire, the assayer, I know nothing ; he comes upon the
stage for the first time, and leaves it when the curtain
falls at Durham House.
It will have been observed that the commission does
not allude to an engraver, and therefore we probably
ought to .assume, in the absence of direct evidence to
the contrary, that the dies were prepared at the Tower
by Henry Basse, or by his assistant Robert Pitt, in
accordance with the practice which then obtained when
coining irons were required for the subsidiary mints,
excepting Dublin and Bristol. This economy in working
expenses does not facilitate the task of distinguishing
between the products of the Tower and Durham House,
for a second artist might introduce some detail of his
craft which would enable a student to identify the coins
issued from the Strand workshops.
The proclamation "for the valuation of new coins
of gold and silver " is dated 24 Jan., 2 Edw. VI, viz.
five days earlier than the commission, which refers to its
publication as a future event. The King orders that the
144 HENRY SYMONDS.
four pieces of gold (again styling the half-sovereign as
" Edward royall ") and the two pieces of silver, which he
" hath caused to be made," shall be thenceforth current
within his dominions, at the values already set out in
the extracts from the commission. The proclamation
concludes by directing that all manner of groats, half-
groats, pence and halfpence, " not clipped or full
broken, albeit they may be much cracked," shall be
received without refusal, under a penalty of arrest.
At present I have only proved that the mint was duly
inaugurated; the next step will be to show that coins
were in fact struck there, in order to set at rest the
doubts which have arisen, but unfortunately this cannot
be done in the form I could wish, as the usual accounts
of the under-treasurer, which would disclose his trans-
actions, have not come down to us. It is, however,
possible to obtain, in a restricted shape and through
another channel, the desired assurance that Durham
House was not merely a mint on paper, one in which
the moneyer's hammer was never used. Sir Edmund
Peckham, the high treasurer, to whom all the mint
establishments in England and Ireland accounted for
their gains, drew up a statement of the sums so paid to
him during a period extending from 36 Henry VIII to
5 Edward VI. This return is in excellent condition,
and among the labyrinth of figures is a note of the
amounts received from John Bowes. We may infer that
the earning of profits connotes industrial activity of
some kind, but whether the coinage was of gold or of
silver, or whether it included both the striking of the
new currency and the conversion of the old, must re-
main unsolved as far as this particular document is
concerned.
EDWARD VI AND DURHAM HOUSE. 145
Peckham acknowledges to have received from the
" undertreasorer of the Kinges mynte in Duresme Place
in the suburbes of London, of the revenue and encrease
of bullion coyned," the sum of £9100 in nine separate
payments, of which the first was on May 2, 3 Edw. VI
(1549), and the last on October 21 in the same year.
(Declared acct8., Pipe office, 2077.) These figures go
to show that the output was considerable, but it would
be impossible to make a reliable calculation as to the
aggregate number of coins produced unless we could
ascertain the respective quantities of gold and silver
bullion. As the above memorandum is the only entry
which relates to the mint in the Strand, notwithstanding
that the account extends to the beginning of 1551, I
suppose that the date of the payment on October 21,
1549, represents in point of time the end of the opera-
tions, more or less approximately. If this deduction be
well founded, Durham House would probably be the
shortest lived among English mints which were formally
constituted, seeing that a period of about eleven months
is all that can with certainty be assigned to it.
Some might regard it as an ominous coincidence that
in October, 1549, the Protector was deposed from office
and sent to the Tower, but not to that part of the fortress
in which we are chiefly interested. I prefer to think
that the unexplained cessation of work by John Bowes
was caused in a large measure by scarcity of bullion,
and in support of this view I will add extracts from two
letters which throw light upon the straits to which
Peckham and others were reduced.
On June 22, 1549, Sir Thomas Smith, the King's
secretary, tells the Protector that " necessity will drive
to leave York and Canterbury mints as well as Bristow "
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. L
146 HENRY SYMONDS.
for lack of bullion, unless small moneys be coined from
the " reliques " of testons. (By a slip which very rarely
happens, the printed calendar of State Papers gives an
exactly contrary sense to this passage.) On the same
day Peckham sends a despairing letter to Smith, saying
that the writer will find it hard to make payments
" unless it may please you for to write your letters to
Mr Bowes of Deresme Place for to make payment to
my hands of the m1-11 which he did promise unto you of
the profits rising of his office, of the which yet hitherto
sithence the erection of the same he hath paid but
vic Ji, so that it is not to be doubted but that he may well
spare one m1-limore, and wherefore I do heartily pray
for [you] to write unto him for to pay the same unto me
now at this need." (S. P. Dom., Edw. VI, vol. 7. 38-9.)
Only once more do I find a trace of the abandoned
mint, viz. on August 18, 1551, when the Privy Council
instructs Sir John Yorke "to deliver iiiml-H of suche
money as he receaved of the mynte at Duresme . . .
after the rate of xiid the shilleng," for use in Ireland.
It would appear, therefore, that the remainder of the
coin and bullion at Durham House had been removed to
Southwark, or to the Tower, in the meantime. I should
not omit to state that, happily, no one employed at
Durham House is to be found in the list of eight respon-
sible persons at various other mints who were eventually
pardoned for having permitted or committed trans-
gressions of every conceivable kind in relation to
the coinage ; these offences form a painful commentary
on the disorderly methods, to use a temperate phrase,
which were evidently commonplaces during Edward's
reign.
The end of such historical evidence as came under my
EDWARD VI AND DURHAM HOUSE. 147
notice in the course of an exhaustive search has now
been reached, and accordingly I propose briefly to con-
sider how far it is practicable to assign any coins or
series of coins to this mint. I had hoped to obtain a
preliminary clue from the half-sovereign to which the
unusual name of " our Edward royall " was attached both
in the commission and in the proclamation, but I found
that the weights and the mint-marks offered an easier
path along which to travel.
Dealing first with the question of weights, it is
possible, I believe, to identify satisfactorily the shilling
of 8 oz. fine silver which the commission ordered to be
of such size and thickness that 96 should be equal
to one pound Troy, i.e. 60 grains in each coin. In the
National Collection there is a profile shilling of
Edw. VI with the Inimicos legend (transposed) and mint-
mark bow; this coin is in beautiful condition, it is
obviously of fine silver, and its weight is 58^ grains
Troy, only 1£ grains less than the order, and even this
slight discrepancy may be due to the edge being a little
chipped (see Handbook, pi. xvi., 456). I regard this
shilling as furnishing one key to the situation, partly
by reason of its mark and also because it turns the
scale-beam at some 20 grains less than the profile
shillings of more debased silver, the standard weight of
which is said to be 80 grains, a disparity sufficiently
large to prevent any confusion between the two issues.
The coin of 58£ grains is here illustrated, A.
1 have not been able to trace the existence of a " half-
shilling" marked with the bow; this coin should be
30 BT grains.2
2 If my attribution of the bow mark be correct, it follows that the
reverse legend Inimicos, etc. (taken from the Vulgate, Ps. cxxxi. 18),
L2
148
HENKY SYMONDS.
Unfortunately, the weights of the gold coins men-
tioned in the foregoing commission are not so distinc-
tive as in the case of the inferior metal. The sovereign,
although ordered, is as yet unknown to me, while the
half-sovereign, which ought to be 85{jf grains, is too
near the weight of contemporary coins to be useful for
Shilling and Half-sovereign of Edward VI (British Museum).
comparison with the products of other mints. Before
leaving the subject of weights, I will refer to an illus-
trated note by Mr. Murchison in Num. Chron., Ser. I.
Vol. XX. p. 187, where he described a " pattern " half-
sovereign of Edward VI. The coin shows the crowned
bust in armour of the second issue type, with the bow
as mint-mark, the weight being 84^ grains. The writer
was used exclusively at the Strand mint, as these shillings are not
known with any other privy mark. They also occur in what is presum-
ably the 4-oz. standard of fineness, with a weight approaching 80
grains.
EDWARD VI AND DURHAM HOUSE. 149
tentatively, and as I think rightly, assigned this coin
to Durham House. It must, surely, be one of the
" Edward royalls." (Of. illustration B.)
Some of the various mint- marks of this period must
next be considered, and an attempt made to settle
their respective places of origin. At the outset I
was confronted with a difficulty which arose from the
surname of the treasurer, i.e. the head, of the new
establishment in the Strand being the same as that of
a more widely known mint official at the Tower, viz.
Sir Martin Bowes, once Lord Mayor. There were already
quite enough complications in the monetary system of
Edward VI, without the addition of duplicated names,
but I had to take things as I found them. As the
coincidence of name and arms must be an important
factor in any scheme of redistribution, it will be con-
venient to summarize the more essential points in Sir
Martin Bowes's personal history. That he belonged to
an armigerous family is proved by the inclusion of his
name in the Visitation of Essex in 1552 (Harl. Society},
but he was not the father of John Bowes at Durham
House, nor was he, as far as I can discover, closely
related to him. John Bowes was also entitled to bear
arms (in one grant he is described as armiger) and was
probably a member of a distinct branch of the family
whose coat differed only slightly from that of Sir Martin.
The charges upon Martin Bowes's armorial shield were
(1) three bows bent, (2) a swan holding a ring in its
beak, and (3) two lions' faces. His crest appears to have
been a sheaf of arrows.
Before it became possible to make a claim, as I now
do, on behalf of Durham House and John Bowes to be
allotted a position alongside the other mints of Edward VI,
150 HENRY SYMONDS.
the practice was to assign to the Tower all coins of the
Henry-Edward period which showed the marks of the
bow, the swan, or the arrow, and to regard these three
symbols as being directly associated with the arms of
Martin Bowes. But I feel that it is now desirable to
revise this arrangement, and to suggest an attribution
to the smaller mint of those coins which are respec-
tively marked with the bow and the grappling-iron,
retaining at the Tower any pieces marked with the
arrow or the swan. I shall presently offer some
reasons on behalf of the proposed alterations, without
in any way saying that there cannot be other types
or marks which have an equal right to be accepted as
products of Durham House, for I am conscious that the
result does not meet every objection which might be
urged. But, on the whole, the probabilities seem to
favour this system of division. In the course of examin-
ing the evidence I shall assume that we are on common
ground in holding the belief that some portion, as yet
undetermined, of the later types of Henry VIII were in
fact struck by his son, Edward VI, and for a considerable
period.
The rearrangement would include the following
denominations, all of which are mentioned in the commis-
sion of 29 January, 1548-9 : —
1. Groats and pence of Henry's 4th and 5th types
(Haivkins) with m.m. grappling-iron or bow, and the
Posui legend.
2. Groats, half-groats, and pence of Henry's 5th
type, with m.m. bow and grappling-iron, and the Eedde
cuique legend.
3. Half-sovereigns and half-crowns of Edward's
2nd issue (Kenyan), with m.m. grappling-iron, and
EDWARD VI AND DUEHAM HOUSE. 151
Scutum fidei legend. Also the young portrait half-
sovereign of Henry with the same mark.
4. Shillings of Edward with profile portrait, m.m. bow
or grappling-iron, and with the Inimicos or Timor
legends.
The two mint-marks of the bow and grappling-iron
occur on shillings of Edward dated 1548 and 1549, and
the same marks are to be found on silver coins of
Henry VIII. Therefore, if we follow, as I think we
should, the proposition laid down by Sir John Evans,
that " all coins bearing the same mint -mark, and
evidently of no very different age, belong to one and
the same limited period " (Num. Chron., Ser. III.
Vol. VI. 122), we must transfer to the years 1548 and
1549 of Edward's reign such coins of Henry as exhibit
the two last-mentioned symbols.
Now, Martin Bowes was appointed a master-worker at
the Tower in 1533, an office which imposed an obliga-
tion on the holder to insert a mark upon the coinages
under his control, and he was promoted in 1544 to an
under-treasurership in the same establishment. Although
there were precedents for using mint-marks of an heraldic
character derived from the arms of an official, and
although Martin Bowes had ample opportunities of
adopting the bow at any time after 1533, the mark does
not occur until 1548 (if we have transferred Henry's
coins, as proposed above), viz. the identical year which
synchronizes with the opening and working of the new
mint. From these premisses I draw the inference
that any coins, whether of Henry or of Edward, which
bear the bow as a mark were struck by John Bowes at
Durham House, and not by Sir Martin Bowes at the
Tower.
152 HENKY SYMONDS.
Turning to the grappling-iron mark, this attribution
is chiefly based upon the fact that some of the Redde cuique
coins of Henry VIII are distinguished by this mark on
the reverse and by the bow on the obverse. The reverse
legend on these groats and smaller pieces is so uncom-
mon as to negative the possibility that it was used at
more than one mint, and, having claimed these coins on
the score of the bow and grappling-iron marks, I must
also transfer to Durham House all other pieces which are
stamped with the latter mark alone.
The bow mark is rarely seen on silver and still more
rarely on gold coins ; on the other hand, the grappling-
iron occurs with comparative frequency upon the debased
silver issues, and consequently it seems probable that
this symbol was used (1) for the 4oz. fine silver coinage
which the Commission ordered to be " continued " in
accordance with the indenture of the previous December,
and (2) for the smaller moneys converted from testons.
It is also to be observed that the grappling-iron is found
on shillings dated 1549 only, thus supporting the attri-
bution to this mint, which was working in that particular
year.
The mint-mark rose has sometimes been given to
Durham House, but as the rose is known upon shillings
dated 1547 and 1551 respectively (see Montagu sale
catalogue), it must be definitely rejected on the ground
that the mint was not in existence during either of those
years.
Then as to the mark commonly known as the arrow.
This symbol occurs on Henry's second-issue gold and
silver coins (1526 onwards), and may therefore have been
adopted by the Tower authorities before Martin Bowes
received his earlier appointment in 1533, — a contingency
EDWARD VI AND DURHAM HOUSE. 153
which raises a doubt as to whether the mark has any
affinity at all with the arms or the name of that family.
Therefore I think that the arrow should be ruled out as
regards Durham House, seeing that it had been in use
at the Tower during the previous twelve or fifteen years,
and for that reason would not have been chosen by a
new official at a new mint.
The mint-mark swan should be regarded as being, in
all probability, associated with the arms of Bowes, but
as it is found on a profile shilling dated 1550, it must be
given to Sir Martin, at the Tower Mint, if we accept the
evidence that the Strand moneyers had ceased to work
at the end of 1549. The swan also occurs, in conjunc-
tion with the arrow, upon a second-issue gold crown of
Edward VI in the cabinet of Mr. P. Carlyon-Britton,
which is an additional reason for assigning the former
mark to the Tower.
Having finished what I have to say on the main sub-
ject of this paper, I wish to propound a general theory
as to the source of Henry VIII's posthumous silver coins,
and to deduce therefrom a possible interpretation of an
elusive fragment of numismatic history. I believe that
the silver upon which these coins were struck was derived
solely from the melting down of the condemned testons
which had been issued in the previous reign, and that
the titles and portraits of Henry were used on all
occasions when such a conversion was carried out, but the
motive which induced Edward's advisers thus to recreate
the coinage of his father is not very apparent. The
opinion has been expressed that the King, being desirous
of restoring the old standards of fineness, elected to
reproduce Henry's titles for the debased money until the
economic situation permitted him to institute a general
154 HENRY SYMONDS.
scheme of improvement ; this is, at any rate, a not
improbable solution of a difficult point.
A study of contemporary documents proves that a
considerable part of the work done in each of Edward's
mints related to the conversion of the discarded pieces
of twelve pence into groats and smaller denominations,
chiefly of 4oz. fine silver, which was the latest and the
worst of the standards ordered by Henry. We have an
instance at hand of these instructions to continue the
conversion of testons and the striking of small moneys,
in the Durham House commission, from which extracts
have been already quoted. Great numbers of the large
coins must have been remelted, for in one document
alone a sum of four thousand pounds in value is named.
This was the occasion, in February, 1549-50, when the
officials at Southwark were directed to revert to the
image and superscription of the King's father (Num.
Chron., Ser. IV. Vol. XI. p. 346).8 The cost of the
operation was presumably borne by the Crown, as the
holders received by tale twelve pence in groats, &c.,
for each teston brought in, but as a few of the latter
were of a higher standard than 4oz. fine silver, the loss
may have been partially recouped in that way. My sug-
gestion would account for the comparatively plentiful
supply of posthumous groats and smaller coins of
Henry's types, and for the corresponding scarcity of his
testons.
If this explanation be regarded as acceptable, I could
use it as the foundation for a comment upon the legend
Redde cuique quod suum est, which appears on one of the
8 I then said that 1st February, 4 Edw. VI, the date of this interesting
order, was in " 1550-51," which was incorrect. That day in the fourth
regnal year should have been rendered as 1st February, 1549-50.
EDWARD VI AND DUEHAM HOUSE. 155
groups of coins which I have ventured to assign to
Durham House. Sir John Evans, on p. 136 of his
article previously cited, mentions this novel legend as
being inappropriate to a debased coinage, as indeed it
was at first sight, and I am not aware that its inward
meaning has subsequently been elucidated.
In the absence of any other solution, I think that the
legend was placed upon a limited number of pattern
coins which were afterwards rejected, the object of the
graver being to indicate, somewhat obliquely, the source
whence the metal was obtained. Accordingly I would
paraphrase the words as, " Kender to Henry the things
which are his." If the Eedde euique groats, &c., were
made from teston silver, my interpretation would not be
inconsistent with the facts, and the legend would be no
longer inappropriate.
It only remains to add that all the original documents
here quoted are to be found at the Public Kecord Office.
HENRY SYMONDS.
VIII.
COINS OF SOME KINGS OF HORMUZ.
(See Plate XI.)
THE gold coins described below were purchased, with
the exception of No. 2, in Colombo. With them were
26 Othmanli sequins and one Indo-Portuguese S. Thome.
Coin No. 2 and a sequin of Murad III were found in the
Kandy bazaars.
The S. Thome, in weight 51 '6 grains, is of an unknown
issue and bears no date, but very closely resembles the
tangas of 1594 and is attributed to Philip I of Portugal
(1580-1595). Of the sequins eleven are of Sulaiman I
(A.D. 1520-1566), one being cut down to the weightand size
of the gold coins under discussion, five of Selim II (1566-
1574) and nine of Murad III (1574-1594), only oneof which
has the formula CHJ??" O^aA-' : the remaining piece bears
the legend j^-JI «->j^ on both sides. Other sequins from
the same hoard had been disposed of before the inspec-
tion of those above mentioned by the writer. The
evidence available points to one find in the neighbour-
hood of Kandy two or three years ago. The silver larins
were found in various places in the island.
On the gold pieces occur the names of three sovereigns,
viz. Muhammad Shah, A.H. 939 ; Salghar Shah, A.H. 942 ;
and Tiiran Shah, A.H. 95x, 952, and 958; all appear in
the list of the kings of Hormuz. According to the Shah
COINS OF SOME KINGS OF HORMUZ. 157
namah, composed in the fourteenth century by King
Turan Shah and translated from the Persian into Spanish
by Pedro Teixeira,1 one Muhammad, a member of a royal
family in southern Arabia, migrated with his followers
to the Persian coast about A.D. 1100 and founded there
the city of Old Hormuz, of which he became the first
king. Later on the princes of his family would seem to
have ruled as governors on behalf of the Salgharid
Atabegs of Fars until, on the decline of that dynasty,
Amir Rukn ad-din Muhammad, who died in A.H. 676
(A.D. 1278), declared his independence.2 About the year
700 (A.D. 1301) the invasions of the Ilkhans led to the
foundation of the city of New Hormuz on the island of
Jariin at the entrance to the Persian Gulf and the
transfer of the seat of government thereto. At the
beginning of the sixteenth century the kingdom included
besides the capital, the islands of Bahrein, Kishm, and
Kais in the Gulf, Kalhat, Muscat, and Sohar on the
Arabian coast, as well as some territory held as a fief of
the Shah of Persia on the opposite mainland.
Hormuz was then of such importance as a centre of
trade and of such wealth that de Albuquerque resolved
to subject it : accordingly he visited the city in 1507,
when he made the king Ceifadim (Saif ad-din) a
tributary of Portugal and began the construction of a
fortress. Ceifadim died of poison, and was succeeded,
apparently at the end of 1513,3 by his brother Torunxa,
Terunxa, or Turuxa (Turan Shah), in whose reign de
1 The Travels of Pedro Teixeira, Hakluyt Society: Appendix A,
Kings of Hormuz.
2 Kings of Hormuz, p. 161, note 3.
3 Hakluyt Society's Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque, Part IV.,
capp. 24, 30 (p. 136), and 33 (p. 147). Correa gives 1515, Lendas da
India, torn. II., p. 420.
158 H. W. CODRINGTON.
Albuquerque again visited Hormuz and firmly established
the Portuguese power, but without interference in the
internal administration of the kingdom. Some years
later, however, Portuguese officials were placed in charge
of the customs and a general revolt broke out : on its
failure Torunxa fled to Kishm and was poisoned by his
minister, who raised Mahamed Xa or Patxa Mahmet Xa
(Padshah Muhammad Shah), son of Ceifadim, to the
throne early in 1522 (A.H. 928). This prince dying in
1534 (A.H. 940-1), his son, a child of eight, succeeded,
but was soon poisoned by his " uncle " Rayx Ale (Rais
'Ali), who assumed the sovereignty.4 Deposed in 1541,
according to Correa he was restored early in 1544 and
died of poison shortly afterwards.5 He is doubtless
identical with Xargol Xa (Salghar Shah), son of Torunxa,
who, according to de Couto, succeeded Mahamed Xa and
died in November, 1543 (A.H. 950). It was this prince
who surrendered the customs to the King of Portugal in
Muharram A.H. 948.6 His son Torunxa, a boy of twelve,
was sent from Goa7 to take his place, and died about 1563
(A.H. 970-1), when the throne was occupied for a few
months by his aged uncle Babu Xa or Mamu Xa. The
next ruler was this prince's son Ferrago Xa (Farrukh
Shah), who began his reign in 1564 or 1565 (A.H. 971-
973), and dying about 1601 (A.H. 1010), was succeeded in
turn by his sons Firruxa (? Firoz Shall), who governed
until his death in February, 1609 (A.H. 1071), and
Mamede Xa (Muhammad Shah), during whose reign the
4 Castanheda, Liv. VIII., cap. 76.
5 Correa, torn. IV., capp. 16, 23, 47, and 49. His name is not
mentioned.
6 De Couto, Dec. V., liv. IX., cap. 5, and liv. X., cap. 1.
7 According to Correa, cap. 53, he was in Hormuz at his father's
death.
COINS OF SOME KINGS OF HORMUZ. 159
capital fell into the hands of the allied English and
Persians in 1622 (A.H. 1031).8 Hormuz thereafter ceased
to be of importance and its trade passed to Bandar
'Abbas.
The Shi'ah formula appearing on these coins also points
to Persia or the Persian Gulf as a probable locality of
the mint of issue. According to Teixeira the people of
Hormuz were Shi'ahs and Sunnis, the kings belonging
to the latter sect : 9 Pyrard, however, states that the
kings " sont Mahometans comme les Perses."10 If they
were not Shi'ahs, the political dependence of Hormuz on
Persia may perhaps account for the presence of the
formula.11 Further, the weight of the coins is not incom-
patible with their identification as Hormuz xerafins of
300 reis each, when compared with the Venetian sequin
of 420 and the pagoda of 360 reis. The general con-
clusion, therefore, is that these gold coins are ashrafis or
xerafins of Hormuz, struck by the kings of that place
under the suzerainty of the Portuguese.
The Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque show that in
the early years of the sixteenth century the xerafim was
the chief coin of the countries bordering the Persian Gulf
8 The historical sketch given above is chiefly from Mr. Donald
Ferguson's notes to the Kings of Hormuz. Mr. Ferguson, however, is
not quite correct in attributing to de Couto the statement that on the
death of Ceifadim there succeeded Xargol Xa, son of Torunxa. The
original Portuguese has : " For morte deste (sc. Mahamed Xa, que
reinou nove annos, e era filho de Ceifadim) succedeo Xargol Xa, filho
de Torunxa." He adds, however : " Este Xargol mandou depois Nuno
da Cunha ir succedir no Beyno, vindo-lhe novas da morte d'El-Bey
Ceifadim," an obvious error (Dec. V., liv. IX., cap. 10).
9 Kings of Hormuz, p. 168.
10 Paris edition of 1679, Vol. II., cap. 18, p. 155.
11 In 1513 Ceifadim accepted " the cap and prayer of the Xeque
Ismael " (Sh&h Ism'ail I) and admitted his supremacy : he apparently
became a Shi'ah. Comm. Dalboq., Part IV., capp. 18 and 30.
160 H. W. CODRINGTON.
and the Arabian Sea. Correa 12 mentions " xerafins e
tangas de prata " at Hormuz under the date 1507, and
in the same year the tribute extorted from the king of
that place was paid in xerafins, as was the ransom of
Muscat, a town then in his dominions.13
Nunes, describing the moneys of India in his Lyvro
dos pesos da Ymdia, written in 1554, puts the value of the
xerafim of Aden at 360 reis and gives the following
detailed account of the Hormuz currency : —
Faluz of 10 dinares . . . 1^ reis (nearly)
gadim (^+*> « 100 ") of 100 dinares 13|i „
Azar (jtJA « 1000 ") of 10 cadis . 139f* ;,
Pardao de ?adis of 2 azares . . 279^ ,, „
Xerafim douro (xerafim of gold = 21^ cadis of good
money or 300 reis in Hormuz. In India its value was
2 or 3 per cent, higher through shroffage, but by the
author's time had fallen to 300 reis, gold of less fineness
being used for the coin.
Tanga de prata (silver tanga or larin)=4^ gadis (62^
reis), but in 1554 had risen to 5 9adis (69|§ reis), five
making the pardao of 360 reis.
Of these denominations the dinar was the unit, for in
the surrender of the customs to the King of Portugal by
Salghar Shah already referred to, 40 lakhs are said to
be equal to 1800 xerafins of gold and 250 lakhs to 9036
pardaos of gold (pardaos douro).14 A payment of 2000
"faluzes" is recorded as having been made by Albuquerque
at Kalhat, then under Hormuz.15
12 Tom. I., p. 239, quoted by Aragiio, Mocdas cunhadas em name dos
reis, &c., Vol. III., p. 93.
13 Comm. Dalboq., Part I., capp. 34 and 24.
14 De Couto, Dec. V., Liv. IX., cap. 5.
15 Comm. Dalboq., Part I., cap. 59.
COINS OF SOME KINGS OF HORMUZ. 161
In Aragao's Document, No. 96 of 1668, mention is made
of coinage at Goa from " sadis," " abacis," and other silver
pieces, taken as prize from the Arab fleet by D. Jeronymo
Manuel. The silver of the sadi was very base, for to
every mark of it two ounces of refined silver had to be
added to make ten ounces of standard silver, namely, that
of the current xerafins. This piece is said by Teixeira
in his Kings of Persia, written at Hormuz, to have been
"just half a real."16 Da Cunha in Contributions to the
Study of Indo- Portuguese Numismatics, also mentions
under the year 1618 " Salares," Persian coins from
Hormuz, in value about 90 reis each.
In the first half of the sixteenth century the Venetian
sequin was valued at seven tangas, of 60 reis each, the
pardao douro or pagoda at six, and the xerafim of Hormuz
at five : the two last with the silver tanga continued to
form the bulk of the gold and silver currency in Goa
until the minting of the gold S. Thome between 1545
and 1548.17 The first disturbance of these values appears
to have been caused by the issue of a patacao of bad
silver in 1550 as the equivalent of the pagoda ; its
coinage was stopped in 1566, but the relief obtained was
short as two years later debased silver xerafins of 300
reis were struck in Cochin (Aragao Doct., No. 9).
16 Teixeira's Travels, p. 214. The sh&hi at Basra was of the value of
the real sexille, ibid., p. 30. Thus 100 Hormuz dmfirs equalled approxi-
mately 25 Persian.
17 [1510-?1545] "e por auer muita moeda de pard&os douro, xerafins,
tangas laaris, que vinhao dormuz, nfio quisera mandar laurar mais que
esta moeda de cobre pela muita abastanga que da outra auia."
" e nunca ate entiio [1545-8] nhu destes Visorreis e governadores
entenderao no lauramento da moeda douro nem prata, vendo que auia
muita bastan§a della, e vallia hu pardao redondo seis tangas laarins,
e hu xerafim dormuz cinquo, e hu venezeano sete." (Aragao, Doct.,
No. 9, pp. 459, 460.)
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. M
162 H. W. CODKINGTON.
By a letter of the king D. Sebastiao dated June 16,
1569, the coining of the Cochin xerafim was forbidden
and the old values restored : accordingly the pardao
douro redondo and the S. Thome were to run at six
tangas of 60 reis each, and the Venetian at seven, while
five larins of silver were to equal one pardao douro of
six tangas ; all other gold coins, presumably including
the Hormuz xerafim, were to be valued in proportion
according to their weight and fineness (ibid., Doct., No. 9).
However, in August of the same year the Viceroy D. Luiz
de Athayde struck new silver xerafims of 11 dinheiros
fine to be current at 300 reis each (ibid., Doct., Nos. 10
and 11), and in his second term of office (1578-1581)
issued others, but so debased that the Venetian rose
from seven tangas to ten, the pardao redondo from six
to nine, and the xerafin douro from five to seven and a
half (ibid., Doct., No. 16).
From the above it would appear that the xerafim of
Hormuz was identical with the xerafim douro and was
the prototype of the Indo-Portuguese silver coin of the
same designation and nominal value.
The larins, Nos. 8-12, described below bear the same
design as the gold coins : on two is the name of Turan
Shah, and on three that of Farrukh Shah. The " tangas
laaris " of Hormuz, already mentioned by Correa in 1507
under the name of " tangas de prata," were current in
Goa with the gold pardao and xerafim apparently from
the conquest of that city in 1510, and so continued at
least until 1569 (ibid., Doct., No. 9, pp. 459, 463).
Pyrard in the early years of the seventeenth century,
speaking of the silver larin, says : " C'est une sorte de
monnoye qui court par toutes les Indes, & il s'en fait en
beaucoup d'endroits, mais la meilleure se forge a Qrmaz "
COINS OF SOME KINGS OP HORMUZ. 163
(vol. I. chap. 27) ; and again in his account of that place :
" II en vient aussi quantite de monnoye d'argent que 1'on
appelle Larins, qui est le rneilleur argent du monde, &
on les nomme Larins d'Ormus " (vol. II. chap. 18).
This coin, in common use on the west coast of India,
was current for many years at 60 reis. Thus in 1525 at
Diu 5^ fedeas or one tanga, and in Cambaya one tanga
lary, were equal to this sum (Lembrancas das cousas da
India, in Subsidies para a historidia da India-Portugueza,
pp. 36, 38), and a letter of the king, dated February 18
of the same year, reprehends the practice of giving five
tangas in silver for the gold pardao, which it states
was generally worth six (Aragao, p. 123). In 1534-1535
at the building of the fortress of Diu, the chief money
was the tanga de prata, five going to the pardao of 300
reis and six to the pardao douro, and although it after-
wards rose in value as bullion until five went to the gold
pardao, it continued until 1557 to be reckoned locally at
60 reis (ibid., Doct., No. 4).
That this tanga was the larin is shown by the letter
of the king D. Sebastiao already referred to, in which it
is stated that before the governorship of D. Joao de
Castro (1545-1548) the pardao redondo was worth six
"tangas laarius," the xerafim of Hormuz five and the
Venetian seven (v, note 17). At Goa in the time of
Nunes, though the old valuation remained in force in
some places, the silver tanga was current for 60 leaes or
72 reis, namely, at the rate of five to the pardao douro :
this circulation, however, was forced, as on the mainland
it was valued at 80 leaes (96 reis) or more (Aragao, Doct.,
No. 9).
The first Portuguese tangas of 60 reis each appear
to have been struck with the silver patacoes, though
164 H. W. CODKINGTON.
probably not at their first issue in 1550, and were styled
" tangas redondas " or round tangas, presumably to
distinguish them from the wire larin (ibid.) ; there can
be but little doubt that they were derived from it
through the medium of a tanga of account. It would
thus seem probable that the currency system finally
adopted by the Portuguese, namely, of 60 reis to the
tanga and 5 tangas to the xerafim, differing as it did
from that of de Albuquerque at Goa,18 was based, at
least for the higher denominations, on the two principal
trade coins of the Arabian Sea, the larin and the ashrafi.
The design of all the coins consists of an area enclosed
in a square, the sides of which are produced, and in its
general appearance may be compared with that of the
coins of the Shahs Ism'ail I and Tahrnasp I, where,
however, the sides of the square are formed of the name
<A£ (cf. British Museum Catalogue of the Coins of the Shahs
of Persia, Plate I, Nos. 3 and 10). In the area on the
obverse is the date in letters or ciphers, and in the reverse
area, the name of the king. The legend in the margin is
divided into four compartments by the prolonged sides
of the square, but does not commence at the same point
in all the coins : that on the obverse of most appears to
be *JJI ^ ^U | AJJI J5^, j**~* | AJUt ^1 AM N) and on the
fourth side ^w [>«>*> *->j*b ?] the word iiw being trans-
ferred to the area when the date is in ciphers, and on
the reverse: A£U? AJDI? jJL*. | «li ^ ? \^t^\ \ ^UaJLJi
The weights of the gold coins may be compared with
those of the Salgharid Atabegs of Fars, to whom
Hormuz, as already stated, appears to have been once
subject.
18 Based on the local bazaruco, barganim, (barakani) and pardao
douro or pagoda.
COINS OF SOME KINGS OF HOBMUZ. 165
MUHAMMAD SHAH.
Obv. Rev.
1. N. Area: *~[3] or *j[jl] j^a*^
^ j «li
^^[Xj] and ornament.
23
U*-.[3]
Margins :
left : *XM ^1 A) I [•}] right : [aSX]* jJU.
below : J^>A»~O below : [al]w ^[j]
Dated 939 (1532-3) or 934 (1527-8). Weight, 38-7
grains. Diameter, 0'590 inch. [PI. XI. 1.]
SALGHAR SHAH.
2. N. Area : j O^'
jJ-jSUjI
AJ and ornament.
Margins :
above : <Uw ? illegible.
Dated 942 (1535-6). Weight, 38 -5 grains. Dia-
meter, 0-570 inch. [PI. XI. 2.]
TURAN SHAH.
3. N. Area: ^-o-i.
Margins :
right : >[>] ? above : [^
below : «-u [?] right : j^Xi. or
Dated 95. Weight, 37-2 grains. Diameter, 0'531
inch. [PI. XL 3.]
166 H. W. CODKINGTON.
Obv. Rev.
4. N. Area : Sj
Margins :
right: <U)[I] above:
above : not read. right :
Dated 9Gic. Weight, 39' 1 grains. Diameter, 0-531
inch. [PI. XI. 4.]
5. N. Area:
Margins :
right: ^3 jXc left:
Dated 952 (1545-6). Weight, 38-5 grains. Dia-
meter, 0-570 inch. [PI. XI. 5.]
6. ^V. Area : *^I s
Margins :
above : &*> and ? J-«[^A] above :
Dated 952 (1545-6). Weight, 38 grains. Diameter,
0-531 inch. [PI. XI. 6.]
7. N. Area : ^ £> A o
Margins :
above : aJUl *})[!] above : [
below : [al].w ^>[j] ?
right : [**]^
Dated 958 (1551). Weight, 39-4 grains. Diameter,
0-531 inch. [PI. XI. 7.]
JR. Area: o5 Lf^l
Margins :
left : dJ I *^ ? above : ~»
right : [ J>]wj below : ^j
Weight, 75 grains. [PI. XI. 8.]
COINS OF SOME KINGS OF HOKMUZ. 167
Obv. Eev.
9. JR. Area : ? ? ^ v UJ
Margins :
right : not read. left : <tJU
Weight, 75-8 grains. [PI. XI. 9.]
FARRUKH SHAH.
10. JR. Area:
part of square.
Margins : right :
left : <ixU or jJl*.
Weight, 69 grains. [PI. XI. 10.]
11. M. Area: [ ? ^ v] r ?
Margins :
right: [*JU]| ^ above:
left : illegible. below : illegible.
Dated (?) 972 (1564-5). Weight, 69-4 grains.
[PI. XL 11.]
12. JR. Area: | r 19
Margins :
above : illegible. left : illegible,
below: [J>]-fj] right: OUaJLJI
Dated (?) 993 (1585). Weight, 75 grains (bent).
[PI. XI. 12.]
H. W. CODRINGTON,
Ceylon Civil Service.
19 i is on the edge of the larin and may be part of * , the whole read-
ing 1 1 r.
BARCLAY VINCENT 'HEAD.
As we go to press, the news comes of the death, on
June 12, after a long and painful illness patiently
endured, of Barclay Vincent Head, formerly a Vice-
President of the Eoyal Numismatic Society (1908),
and from 1869 to 1910 one of the Editors of the
Numismatic Chronicle. Mr. Head joined the staff of
the British Museum in 1864; from 1893 to 1906 he
was Keeper of the Department of Coins and Medals.
For readers of the Numismatic Chronicle it is un-
necessary to dwell upon the achievements of the man
under whom the English School of Greek Numismatics,
rose to the first rank. Nor is this the place to
characterize the personal qualities which endeared
him to those who had the good fortune to work with
or under him. In our next issue we hope to give
a full bibliography of his numismatic writings.
THE EDITORS.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PL. VII.
BRITISH MUSEUM, GREEK ACQUISITIONS, 1913.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PL. VIII.
BRITISH MUSEUM, GREEK ACQUISITIONS, 1913.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PL. IX.
3. UNCERTAIN SPANISH. 4-9 TARRACO. 10-13 CARTHAGE? 14,15 NARB
16-19 UNCERTAIN GALLIC (AUGUSTODUNUM ?).
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PL. X
f i-fp &)
v±i
iv^LtiBy
1. UNCERTAIN GALLIC (AUGUSTODUNUM ?) ; 2-6 LUGDUNUM ;
7,8 MOGONTIACUM (?); 9 VETERA (?) ; 10-16 ROME.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PL. XI.
COINS OF KINGS OF HORMUZ.
IX.
NICHOLAS BKIOT AND THE CIVIL WAE.
(See Plates XII.-XV.)
IT is many years since Thomas Carlyle sketched in
rapid strokes an episode in the life of Thomas Simon,
connected with the history of Oliver Cromwell, dismiss-
ing the affairs of the eminent engraver and his pre-
decessor, Nicholas Briot, as only worthy of mention in
that " they have the honour of passing relation to the
Lord General, and still enjoy, or suffer a kind of ghost-
existence in the Dilettante memory." l
The noted historian quotes from Harris's Life of
Cromwell Oliver's letter of thanks to the Committee of
the Army, which refers to Simon's journey to Scotland,
undertaken for the purpose of modelling the General's
portrait, for reproduction upon the Dunbar medal. This
is a letter which contains a recommendation that the
artist should succeed to the " imploym1 in yor service wh
Nicholas Briot had before him," 2 and Carlyle terminated
1 Letters and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, by Thomas Carlyle,
edition of 1845, vol. ii. p. 110.
2 Letter dated Edinburgh, February 4, 1650, printed in the Life of
Cromwell, by Dr. W. Harris, ed. 1762, pp. 538-539 ; see also Vertue's
Medals, Coins, &c., of Thomas Simon, Gough's edition of 1780, p. 74,
where it is noted that the name of Briot is inscribed in the original
MS. in another hand, Cromwell merely desiring the vacant place for
Simon and apparently leaving a blank to be filled by one more con-
versant with Mint affairs.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SEEIES IV. N
170 HELEN FARQUHAR.
his brief review with the words " Symonds, we see, did
get the place of Nicholas Briot, and found it like other
brave men's places full of hard work and short rations —
Enough of Symonds and the Seals and Effigies." •
Deeming it, however, necessary to explain the nature of
the appointment, requested for Simon by Cromwell, as
a personal favour to himself, Carlyle devotes a few
sentences to Nicholas Briot, quoting an order printed in
the Commons' Journals under date August 20, 1642,
with regard to the retention of a cargo of mint material
shipped by him from London to the King's assistance.4
We read "that the Earl of Warwick be desired, that
Monsieur Bryatt may have Delivery of his Wearing
Apparel, and all other his goods, stayed at Scarborough,
not belonging to Minting and Coining Monies."
Carlyle thereupon disposes of the life-story of Charles
I's favourite graver in a few characteristic words as
follows : " This Nicholas Briot, or Bryatt then must have
been Chief Engraver for the Mint at the beginning of
the Civil Wars. We perceive he has gone to the King
Northward, but is here stopt at Scarborough with all his
baggage, by Warwick, the Lord High Admiral ; and is
to get away. What became of him afterwards or what
was his history before, no man and hardly any Dilettante
knows." 5
But although the artist may occupy a less important
position in the world's chronicles than that filled by
Oliver Cromwell, the student of history admits that the
various coinages of Charles I offer an interesting itinerary
of the King's travels. Let me therefore assume the part
3 Carlyle, ibid., vol. ii. p. 113.
4 Commons' Journals, vol. ii. p. 728.
3 Carlyle, ibid., p. 111.
NICHOLAS BBIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 171
of Carlyle's " Dilettante," availing myself of the help
afforded by many writers, who have outlined the portrait
of Nicholas Briot, since the time of the Scottish historian,
—yes, and before, had he cared to acquaint himself with
their publications.6 I crave forgiveness for unavoidably
repeating an oft-told tale, on the plea that some manu-
scripts have fallen in my way, which although ably
calendared at the Public Eecord Office, were necessarily
curtailed in the printed indices. I hope by their aid to
throw light upon questions which have hitherto puzzled
us with regard to Briot's career, especially in reference
to the coinages of York and Oxford.
We need not carefully review the early history of the
man, for Monsieur Mazerolle 7 and other foreign writers 8
have patiently elucidated the details of his life. More
recently Mr. Henry Symonds has brought before us
episodes concerning our artist's struggle for supremacy
at the Tower Mint,9 and has cleared away a certain
mystery which hung about the date and place of his
death.10 Moreover, I, myself, have ventured to deal with
H Snelling's View of the Silver Coins, p. 37, Folkes" A Table of English
Silver Coins, p. 79, and Buding's Annals of the Coinage, vol. i. pp.
395 to 397, dealing with Briot's history, were all published some time
before the first edition (1845) of Carlyle's Letters of Oliver Cromwell.
' Les Mtdailletirs Franqais du XViime au XVIIiime Siecle, par
F. Mazerolle, and Nicolas Briot Tailleur General des Monnaies, in the
Revue Beige de Numismatique, 1904, pp. 191 to 203 and 295 to 314.
8 Les Medailleurs et les G-raveurs de Monnaies, par N. Bondot, 6dite
par H. de la Tour, pp. 261-5, &c. ; L'CEuvre du Medailleur Nicolas
Briot, par J. Bouyer, Revue Beige, 1895, pp. 132 to 136, 371 to 399, and
508 to 553 ; also A. Dauban in the Revue Numismatique, N.S. 1857,
Tom 2, pp. 14 to 64.
• Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. pp. 363 to 367: " English Mint
Engravers," by Henry Symonds.
19 Ntim. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. X. p. 397, note 3 : " Charles I. Trials
of the Pyx."
N2
172 HELEN FARQUHAR.
Briot's history in an early volume of the British Numis-
matic Journal.11 Were it not for some chronological diffi-
culties, therefore, we need not discuss his career in detail
previously to the outbreak of the Civil War. But suffice
it for our immediate purpose that a member of a noted
Protestant family of engravers and medallists, Nicholas,
or rather Nicolas, according to the original spelling of
his name, was born a French subject, circa 1579 or 1580,
at Damblain in Bassigny in the Duchy of Bar ; that
although Tailleur General des Monnaies de France from
1606 to 1625, he was unsuccessful in his endeavours to
establish a milled currency, in spite of being upheld by
Louis XIV in his desires. His constant insubordination
to the Cour des Monnaies and his visits without leave
to Nancy, the capital of Lorraine, where he intermittently
superintended the mint, militated against a peaceful
settlement of all questions which related to his position.12
From 1622 to 1625 his methods of coining were under
constant discussion, but in July, 1624, he as Fermier
General de la Monnaie owed six months' wages to his
workmen, and could no longer battle with the situation.
In May, 1625, he offered his place for sale, and although
the King granted him a delay for the settlement of his
affairs, his situation in France became untenable and he
fled to England.13 His presence is attested in Paris so
11 British Numismatic Journal, vol. v. : " Portraiture of our Stuart
Monarchs on their Coins and Medals," Part I.
12 Briot became Tailleur Ge'ne'ral to the Due de Lorraine in 1611,
but in 1616, in consequence of his frequent absences from Paris, he
was forbidden by the Cour des Monnaies to work " pour aucuns princes
et monnoys estrangeres," but some exceptions were, however, made
later. See Mazerolle's Briot Tailleur General, p. 198, and Medail-
leurs, vol. i. pp. cxii to cxiv.
13 See Mazerolle's Medailleurs, cxxi to cxxv, and Tailleur General,
pp. 303 to 309. Monsieur Mazerolle writes : " Le roi le 15 Mai accorda
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 173
late as July 9 (N.S.), 1625,14 and Monsieur Mazerolle
places his departure between September 16 and
October 31 (N.S.), 1625,15 and to these dates I shall
have occasion to refer later.
It does not concern us to follow the controversies of
French writers as to how much the mechanical ap-
pliances, which our Briot had fruitlessly tried to impose
upon the Paris mint, were his own, or only a revival
of those used in the Monnaie du Moulin by Bechot,16 or
more probably the result of his studies in Germany.17
Be this as it may, to Charles I his methods were wel-
come.
cependant un delai a Briot pour quitter 1'hotel des Monnaies de Paris.
Un nouveau fermier Gabriel Davin etait nomme le 3 Juin suivant "
(Tailleur General, p. 309).
u Mazerolle's Medailleurs, vol. i. p. 472.
15 Briot Tailleur General, p. 309, and Hedailleurs, vol. i. p. 484, and
Introduction, p. cxxvi.
16 The Monnaie du Moulin was established in Prance for a short
time under Henri II, but with few exceptions milled coins were not
made between the death of Henri in 1559, and 1639 when Varin
revived the method. See Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. IX. pp. 68
and 83.
17 It is only necessary to remember that his method included the
use of two engraved cylinders, a machine then employed in Germany
but which had the defect of producing somewhat bent pieces. This
unintentional curve is discernible both on the Scottish and York
coinages, but was avoided by the care bestowed on the Tower pieces
(see Medailleurs, vol. i. p. 384). By the adoption of a double crank
to his press he partly remedied this curvature in France in 1613,
but not being entirely successful, he added a flattening press in 1624.
His flattening mill was moved by horse power, whilst his " monnoyoir "
was an instrument which must somewhat have resembled the seven-
teenth-century Spanish press described by Mr. Hill at our last
February meeting (see Num. Chron., 1914, Part I. pp. 90-92). Briot's
invention was worked by two men only, and superior to the old
Monnaie du Moulin, in that " la monnoye ne s'y marque pas entiere-
ment et tout d'un coup entre deux carreaux, comme faisoit celle du
Moulin, ains en coulant entre deux rouleaux d'acier sur lesquels la
figure de 1'espece de monnoye est gravee." See Mazerolle's Medail-
leurs, vol. i. pp. cxiv and 399.
174 HELEN FARQUHAR.
It is not known whether Theodore de Mayerne, who,
filling the office of physician to James I, had continued
his ministrations under his successor, suggested that
his confrere should be invited to the Court, but it is
stated that Briot practised as a doctor on his arrival in
England,18 and it is possible that the two Frenchmen
met in the exercise of their profession. That they
were acquainted is clear, for Briot 's first dated medal iu
this country portrays de Mayerne in 1625. Amongst
the Miscellanea in the Numismatic Chronicle is men-
tioned a writ for a large payment due to the French
artist in April, 1626, for working in the King's employ
only a few months after his arrival, resulting in the sum
of £100 being paid to him under an order of the
following November. It appears that Briot had pro-
vided " sundry particulars by him brought by His
Majesty's commandement needful and necessary for the
making of stamps to stamp certain pieces of largess of
gold and silver in memory of His Majesty's Coronation,
as also for his labour and pains, taken in making and
graving certain puncheons for the shaping of His
Majesty's picture and the other devices upon the said
pieces of largess ; and likewise for making a little
signet for his Majesty, remaining in his own custody,"
&c., &c.19
From this time forward the history of Briot is mainly
a repetition of the antagonism outlined in France.
18 " Nicolas Briot estoit retir6 en Angleterre. II exergoit audict
royaume la mMecine et avoit faict de belles cures, mesme qu'il avoit
faict et grav6 les sceaux du roy d'Angleterre." Evidence given in
January, 1628, before the Cour des Monnaies. See Mazerolle's Mtdail-
leurs, vol. i. pp. 484-5 and cxxvi.
19 Printed from the Pell Records in Num. Chron., 1st Ser., Vol. IV.
p. 182.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 175
Accepted by the King, unacceptable at the Mint, the
foreign artist was, however, permitted more freedom in
London than in Paris, and although his position at first
received less official sanction than in his own country,
the comparatively large issue of milled currency attri-
butable to him attests the success of his methods.
But we cannot follow him now through the period of
his semi-recognition ; there are frequent grants under
the Privy Seal from 1626 onward — there is a definite
appointment bestowed by Charles I in December, 1628 ^
—there is evidence of his constant employment from
that time forward. His official status was assured as
" one of the chief gravers " on January 22, 1633-4.21
In Scotland also his position was regularly defined in
1635,22 but he had already given passing attention to the
northern mint for a considerable time, reporting upon
desired alterations in 1632-5, when opposition to the
introduction of the milled methods alone caused delay.23
Let these facts suffice, and let me refer my readers in
search of details concerning his private contracts with
the King for the making of seals and other matters
to my articles on Stuart portraiture in the British
20 Printed in abstract by Rymer (see Fcedera, vol. xix. p. 40), but
for the first time published in extenso by Mr. Symonds in Num.
Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. pp. 364-365.
21 This grant was of an annuity of £50 from Christmas, 1632,
during pleasure (see Num. Chron., as above, p. 367).
- His appointment to the Scottish Mint was of August 7, 1635. His
superintendence of the northern currency was principally in 1637 (see
Burns, The Coinage of Scotland, vol. ii. pp. 446-451). He was, how-
ever, temporarily in Scotland in 1633 (see British Numismatic Journal,
vol. v. pp. 172-173) ; and had been commended to the Scottish mint
to "sett up " the required "instruments" for making copper money
in the year 1631 (see Cochran-Patrick's Records of the Coinage of
Scotland, vol. ii. pp. 75-88).
23 Burns, ibid., vol. ii. p. 448.
176 HELEN FARQUHAR.
Numismatic Journal?* where references will be found to
various State Papers ; or rather let them turn to the more
recent publication in the Numismatic Chronicle*5 on the
" English Mint Engravers " by Mr. Henry Symonds, who
generously placed his proof sheets at my disposal for
reference, and has constantly afforded me much assist-
ance from the time when we first found ourselves
engaged on the same line of research at the Public
Record Office last year.
Let us take Briot then as we find him at the out-
break of the Civil War, the servant of the State at a
yearly salary of £50,26 but owing his position to the
steady patronage of the King, whose patent, as we have
just learned from Mr. Symonds, had granted him the
far larger fee of £250.27
The political situation in the early months of 1642
had become so strained that the King deemed it prudent
to quit the capital and gather his more loyal subjects
about him in the North. He made his way to York
on March 19, 1641-2, and used this city as head-quarters
and the rendezvous of his party for five months. He
sent for and obtained the Great Seal, but before long,
considerations concerning money for carrying out his
war preparations obtruded themselves upon his mind.
According to tradition, as held by Folkes and Ruding,
York had enjoyed minting privileges under Charles I
24 British Numismatic. Journal, vol. ii., " Portraiture of the Stuarts
on the Royalist Badges," and vol. v., " Portraiture of our Stuart
Monarchs on their Coins and Medals."
25 Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. X., " Charles I. Trials of the Pyx " ;
and Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII., " English Mint Engravers of
the Tudor and Stuart Periods, 1485 to 1688."
26 See note 21 above.
27 Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. p. 365.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 177
since 1629.28 Be this as it may, the well-designed, well-
minted coins issued from this city have always been
attributed to Briot.
What could be more natural than that the King, who
had always patronized this engraver, should require his
presence in the north ? It would seem that the Mint,
if it existed at all at that date, was deficient in instru-
ments and accommodation, and was not prepared for the
task thrown upon it. Plate was contributed to the royal
cause, and no time was to be lost in converting it into
currency. The difficulty of conveying money to the
King was great, although the Tower mint was still
nominally in his hands, and we may wonder whether
the emergency of the moment and the temptation held
out by the possibility of coining upon the spot without
supervision, caused the monarch's advisers to revive a
proposition of making coins of inferior quality or lighter
weight than those then current, a proposal which had
been negatived by Charles at the instance of Sir Thomas
Roe in the previous year.29 Possibly this was the case,
28 Ruding's Annals, vol. i. p. 385, edit. 1840, and Folkes' A Table of
English Silver Coins, p. 79, edit. 1763. "It is said that a mint was
erected at York when the great Earl Strafford was president of the North,
which office he entered upon about the beginning of the year " [1629].
Folkes and Ruding suggest that the well-rounded York coins were
probably due to Briot's presence with the King in his progress to Scot-
land in 1633. Doubt has, however, been thrown upon so early a
foundation for this mint, as we shall see later.
29 Rushworth, in his Collections (vol. iii. p. 183, edit. 1706), after
speaking of the King's lack of money in July, 1640, writes : " It was
therefore propos'd in Council to mix Silver and Copper together and
to coin 300000Z., three Pence in silver added to a quantity of Copper
being to go for Twelve pence, which by proclamation should be declar'd
current Money to pay the Army marching to Newcastle " [to oppose
the Scots]. " After several days debate his Majesty and the Council
thought fit to hear Sir Thomas Row's opinion (a member of the
Council) who was well skill'd in coins and spake to this effect. He
178 HELEN FARQUHAR.
for, judging from a correspondence which passed between
Secretary Nicholas30 and our friend the engraver, who
was still at the Tower, some such suggestion must have
been made, greatly to the chagrin of Briot. The first
letter belonging to this series, preserved at the Public
Record Office, is assigned to May 1, 1642, and Briot
therein requests the King to appoint deputies to hear a
proposal from himself that the currency be not debased.31
He writes in French and at some length, but does not
state what plan he wishes to bring forward further
than to suggest his conviction that thereby the King is
sure to find persons who will lend the required money,
until such time as he shall enjoy his own again. He
argues against any idea of raising the nominal value
of the gold or silver coins extant, and deprecates the
entire recoinage which would be necessary if the standard
and alloy were altered. " S'il plaist au Roy somniettre
et deputter Tel de ses Conseillers on autres quil luy
plaira pour Entendre Briot sur la proposition et reigle-
ment quil entend de proposer Concernant Les Monnoyes
de Sa d Majeste, au moyen duquel il fera veoir, que
conceiv'd the intended Project of enfeebling the Coin, would intrench
very far upon the Honour, Justice and Profit of the King," &c., &c.
30 Sir Edward Nicholas (1593-1669) was appointed Secretary of
State by Charles I in 1641, and acted as one of the King's Com-
missioners at the Treaty of Uxbridge (1644-5). He remained with
Charles I until the surrender of Oxford in 1645, and then resided
abroad until the Restoration, when he served Charles II in the same
capacity until August, 1662.
31 MS. State Papers, Domestic, Carl. I, Vol. DXXXIX. No. 87.
Without suggesting that experiments were made with the King's
consent in a base coinage at York, I may call attention to the
occasional occurrence of specimens of Hks. types 1 to 4 of inferior
quality, whilst types 5 to 7 are usually remarkably fine. It is, how-
ever, not unlikely that the pieces of poorer metal are contemporary
forgeries.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 179
Legitimement et prompternent il se trouvera personnes,
qui feront des auances de Sornmes nottables a Sa d Majeste
pour Entrer en ses droicts Sans augmentation de prix,
des Especes de poid, diminution d'alloy et en se
faisant le revenu annuel de Sa d Majeste sera hausse.
Ausquels Sieurs Comissaires deputtez, Le d Briot fera
Cognoistre plus particulierement, Les Consequences et
pertes que Sa d Majeste et Estats feront, en receuant
La proposition a eux faictte pour augmenter le prix
De L'or et de L'argent Ensemble L'jmpossibilite De
L'Execution de la d proposition et La Longeur du Temps
quil faut pour jouir du pretendu proffit, de la reffontte
generalle des monnoyes de tous les Roys Ses predeces-
seurs, et par la Supputation qui peust estre faitte de
la somme, dont Sa d Majeste peust proffiter, en usant de
Cette Extremitte N'Excedera de beaucoup, ce qui luy
peust reuenir de bon En receuant L'advisdu d Briot qui est
un reiglement, Lequel sera juge juste, bon et raisonable."
We have noticed that in the year 1640 a suggestion
had been made and rejected for the issue of a debased
shilling — three-quarters copper to one quarter only in
silver — but this was not the first time during the reign
of Charles that thoughts of altering the standard had
been mooted, Buckingham being held responsible for
a similar project in 1626.32 It is, perhaps, for this
reason that the calendarer of the State Papers Domestic
of Charles I has assigned, with a query, to an early
K See Disraeli's Life and Times of Charles I, vol. i. pp. 194-5.
Mr. Disraeli states that by the advice of Buckingham £60,000 worth of
shillings, half silver and half alloy, were coined, but were recalled by
the King on the advice of Mr. Robert Cotton, whose memorial on the
subject dated September, 1626, was seen by Mr. Disraeli in the original
MS. form, and must not be confounded with the protest of Roe in
1640.
180 HELEN FAEQUHAE.
date, i.e. 1628, certain undated documents referring to
a proposed debasement of the coinage. These papers
express at great length Briot's views on such matters.
It has crossed my mind that possibly one at least of
these protests would be more correctly placed somewhat
later than 1628, because allusion is therein made to
recent alterations in the French currency, and between
the years 1636 and 1641 material changes took place
in the Paris mint, whereas in 1628 no special reduction
in money-values appears to correspond with a proclama-
tion to which Briot refers as having been " newly made
in France."33 Indeed, so far as my small knowledge
of French numismatics suggests, the radical alterations
of 1636, which ultimately caused the reforms of 1640-1,
would be more in consonance with a remark made by our
engraver on the " raising of the prise of the monyes by a
fourth part." Be this as it may, this document and another
of the same nature,34 although, perhaps, of the earlier
indicated date, embody alternative schemes considered
by Briot as permissible. He urged "that the forging
of gold coins shalbee continued with the same finesse
weight and value as it is at this present", but in the
one argument35 advised the King "to raise silver and
to sheare it upon 66 peeces by the pound weight which
are fower peeces of augmention in one pound weight ",
whilst in the second ^ he limits this computation to
"Sixty fower shillings, which is the proportion of 12J
of Silver to the Gold," but wishes " to make litle peeces
33 MS. State Papers, Domestic, Carl. I, Vol. DXXIX. No. 97. The
French edict had, it appeared, been registered at the " Court of
Monnyes " without the consent of the " Chamber of Accounts."
34 MS. State Papers, Carl. I, Vol. CXXIV. No. 68.
33 Ibid.
38 State Papers Domestic, Carl. I, Vol. DXXIX. No. 97.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 181
of Mony cutt upon 66 to the pound weight as greatly
necessary for the Comodiousness of the People and
Trade." The concluding paragraphs of his extremely
long arguments are directed against the state of the
copper coinage which should, he thought, remain in the
King's hands, and besides the making of the smaller
silver coins " of 4. 3. 2. and 1 penny the pound weight
being cutt upon 3u-8s-4 pennie," he advocates the use of
"Brass or copper coine in peices of 2. 1. and a halfe-
farding," suggesting that these " may be made six times
more heavie and strong then the fardings wch now are
currant and yett his Matie may profitt in it 33. in the
hundred. The small Copper money ought not to come
into greate payments but only is stablished by Soveraigne
Princes for the buying of small Wares or giving of
Almes." 37
Without in any way believing that either of these
two papers is the actual "proposition" which Briot in
May, 1642, desired to lay before the King, I venture
to think he perhaps wished to reiterate his calculations
and to impress upon Charles that it was wiser, as he
expressed it, " to remayne by the goodness of the Mouyes
as they goe at present, wth a conformity of price and
sorts within his Ma'3 three Kingdomes, unto whom the
glory, and to the Subiects the proffitt shall redound." ^
On the other hand, Briot may have been anxious to
suggest to Charles the advisability of opening country
mints — of coining his own plate — of borrowing that of
his supporters — especially of requesting the aid of
the Universities 89 — for we shall see that shortly after
37 State Papers Domestic, Carl. I, Vol. CXXIV. No. 68.
J" Ibid., Vol. DXXIX. No. 97.
39 Ruding, vol. i. p. 397, mentions the despatch by Charles of
182 HELEN FARQUHAR.
communications had commenced between the King and his
engraver these projects matured in the mind of Charles.
May we not suppose that Briot was thinking of the
College silver when in the French letter which I have
quoted above he proclaimed his certainty that, were
security given that the currency would remain pure,
persons would be found who would advance considerable
sums to enable his Majesty to regain his rights ? 40
But a truce to speculation : Briot's " proposition " was
answered on May 6 from the city of York by Edward
Nicholas, who desired the engraver's immediate presence
to confer with the King.41
The letter runs as follows : " Monsieur, Sa Maw me
comande Vous mander icy, le plustost que Vostre
comodite le pourra permettre, et ce sur le Sujet de
Vostre Lettre escrite a S.M. qu'Elle receut quelques
iours passez, dont Vous ne manquerez sur la Notice qui
vous en vient faicte par Monsr Vostre bien affectionne a
vous seruir Edw. Nicholas— A York ce 6me May 1642."
" A Monsieur, Monsieur Briot. A Londres." On May 26,
however, as Ruding 42 notices, a Commission was deputed
messengers to request plate from the University as being " when he
was at Nottingham," and the date of his residence in that city as
"from July 10th till about the middle of September" (see note 2 to
above). The first letter from Charles I which I have seen on the
subject is one of thanks on the reception of a consignment from
Oxford, dated from " our Court at Beverly July 18th 1642 " (see
Works of that Great Monarch and glorious Martyr Charles I, published
at the Hague, 1648, p. 191). A letter from the Mayor of Oxford, under
date July 22, 1642, at Nottingham, refers to the " very ample testi-
monie the King had received in subscriptions from the University."
We, however, note an order of Parliament on July 12, 1642, that
the highways to Oxford should be watched, owing to the King's request
to the Universities that plate should be sent to York.
40 State Papers Domestic, Carl. I, Vol. DXXXIX. No. 87.
«l Ibid., Vol. CCCCXC. No. 33.
42 Ruding's Annals, vol. i. p. 395.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 183
to inquire concerning the bullion in the Mint, and one
of their number, Sir Walter Erie, the following day re-
peated to the House of Commons some information that
he had consequently obtained from Monsieur Briot, the
King's graver.43 His presence at the Mint is therefore
established, and in his report to the Commission he men-
tioned transactions at the Tower both of the 18th and
26th. We might, however, suppose that he made a
hurried journey to York and had returned, but from the
next letter despatched to the north it seems likely that
indisposition had prevented his departure, for the State
Secretary wrote on the 30th of the month begging him
not to hurry his journey unduly.44 " Monsieur," writes
Sir Edward : " Je souhaite que la presente vienne
encore a temp car ie viens de recevoir tout a cestheure
celle de Monsr Parkhurst du 25me courant, par laquelle
i'apprens vre resolution de Vous mettre en chemin vers
la Cour nonobstant la debilite qui Vous reste d'une
derniere Maladie. C'est porquoy ie vous avise par celle
cy que Sa Ma16 se passera pour apresent de 1'occasion
qu'Elle avoit pour vous employer icy : en sorte que
pouvez demeurer, pour Vous bien remettre chez Vous, en
la sante que je vous souhaitte, estant Monsr Vostre tres
affectione a vons servir Edw. Nicholas. A York ce
30 May 1642. Mons. Briot." This letter is addressed
fully : " A Monsieur — Monsr Briot, Graveur du Eoy, en
son logis dans la Tour de Londres," and clearly Nicholas
was satisfied that the engraver was still in residence at
the Tower Mint, not yet confiscated by the Parliament.
This was indeed apparent rather later, for on June 21
43 Commons' Journals, vol. ii. pp. 587 and 588.
" State Papers Domestic, Carl. I, Vol. CCCCXC. No. 74.
184 HELEN FAEQUHAB.
another missive was despatched "To my verie good
friend Mr. Briot, his Maties Graver of his Mint, At his house
in the Tower," 15 Nicholas being, it seems, convinced
that by this time convalescence was assured and a speedy
departure would be possible. " Monsieur," writes the
Secretary, " J'ay a ce matin receu coniandem1 de Sa
Maw de vous mander icy en toute diligence possible, et
Vous avertir qu'avez a mener avec Vous les Eoues et
toutes autres sortes d'instrunV8 requis et necessaires pour
icy battre de la Monnoye que S Ma" aura occasion
d'ordonner dez que vous serez arrive. Ce qu'ayant
notifie je me dis Monsr Vostre tres affectione serviteur
Edw. Nicholas. A York ce 21me Juin 1642. Mons.
Briot."
On June 30 a further communication was sent to the
same address to the effect that Sir William Parkhurst
would provide money for the journey, and that the
Secretary expected Briot's immediate attendance.46
" Monsieur, J'ay par comandemt du Roy escript a Monsr
Le Chevalier Parkhurst qu'il vous face avoir telle some de
deniers en avance que vous sera necessaire pour expedier
ce qui faudra aux provisions pour Vostre Voiage icy. Je
ne veux douter done de vostre bonne diligence pour
vous rendre icy au plustost possible pourvu selon que la
presente occasion le requiert. Entretant je me dis
Monsieur Vostre bien affectionne a vous servir Edw.
Nicholas a la Cour a York 30 Juin 1642. Monsieur
Briot."
The next move in the game is to be recognized in a
45 State Papers Domestic, Vol. CCCCXCI. No. 27.
M Ibid., Vol. CCCCXCI. No. 43. Addressed : " A Monsieur Briot,
Graveur du Boy dcmeurant a la Tour dc Londres."
NICHOLAS BKIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 185
long parchment roll — a statement of Mint accounts —
undecipherable in parts, to which nevertheless Mr.
Henry Symonds directed my attention, he having found
many interesting pieces of information therein, of which
he gave an abstract in his " Trials of the Pyx " and
his " English Engravers." This document contains
entries of various disbursements carrying us up to, or
in some cases beyond, November, 1642.47
One of the payments chronicled in the Warden's
account is to "Nicholas Briot," and amounts to £100
for some service performed in the autumn of 1642, but
the obliterated state of the entry renders it useless,
taken as evidence of the movements of the engraver
on September 30, 1642, the day indicated by this
Privy Seal, and it is impossible to say whether Briot
was paid by order under the King's hand for dies
made for Charles I's use in the country mints as we
should deem likely at so late a date.48 It is, however,
clear that the Parliamentarians, although the Tower
was in September, 1642, in their hands, recognized the
obligations thrown upon them by the King's orders, in
spite of the fact that they speak of his authority in the
past tense.
The same parchment mentions the disbursement in
1642 of £115 to " Thomas Kichardson, clothworker, for
47 Declared Accounts (Audit Office) Ble. 1599, No. 42. By an error
in the calendar this account is printed as terminating in March, 1642,
but Mr. Symonds discovered entries up to the month of November,
after which time the manuscript becomes still more illegible.
« Declared Accounts (Audit Office), Ble. 1599, No. 42, at the Public
Record Office. The few legible words run : " Nicholas Bryot ....
assist him in such (?) seruice as the late king expected to him perform'1
of him ... by warrant under the Signe Manuel dated the 30th day of
September 1642 for allowance thereof and signification under ... of
one of the Secretaries of State . . . 100"."
NUM. CHKON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. O
186 HELEN FARQUHAK.
eleven iron presses for coinage of moneys and one great
iron rnorter and pestle by one bill, cxv"." 49
Whether these were instruments ordered by Briot
under the authority of the letter from Nicholas to Park-
hurst it is hard to say, but if so they would have suffered
the same detention as the other objects "belonging to
Minting and Coining Monies " at Scarborough, and it
would be only fair that they should be paid for by the
government. We must, however, remember that certain
mills were made for the Tower Mint at Intervals, and
we find reference to these " about the year 1633," 50 and
again in 1638, for Briot's trial of skill, and in 1640 when
the King required "five presses and other Instruments
to be used about his Mats Coins, his Highnes having
caused some alteracon to be made in them." The
expenses of these presses reached £65, which sum was
paid to Edward Greene, the chief graver,51 whilst £1700
was spent on setting up the apparatus for Briot. It
is, therefore, somewhat doubtful how far Eichardson was
employed for the work at the ordinary mint establishment.
Another note in the roll refers to David Kamage,
and may in part pertain to the ill-starred consignment
sent to the King's assistance, for we have seen by the
Secretary of State's letters that Briot was to bring or
send instruments for coining with which York was
evidently not sufficiently provided.
49 Quoted by Mr. Symonds in Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. p.
367, and this writer takes the above as evidence that Briot's appliances
were used in 1642. With this opinion I am agreed, but I think it was
more likely that the consignment was for York, where they would be
required for the milled coinages. See Num. Chron., as above.
30 State Papers Domestic, Interregnum, May 7, 1651, Vol. XV.
No. 69.
51 Declared Accounts (Audit Office), Ble. 1599, No. 42, 19th Aug.,
1640.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 187
31 r. Syiiionds has quoted this item in his " Trials
of the Pyx,"52 and kindly showed it to me in the
original Audit Office Accounts,53 at the Record Office,
that I might print it verbatim if I so desired. The
words showing the payment made on July 7, 1642, are
as follows : " David Eamagh for monies by him disbursed
in providing several instruments for the two mints at
Yorke and Shrewsbury, as by one bill dated the vil of
July 1642 appeareth. nfj.y.5 [£85 10s.]-" Now David
Kamage was, as we know, custodian under the Common-
wealth of the " mills, presses, cutters, and other engines
for making monyes " at the Mint, 54 and was confirmed
in this place by Charles II, and the plea that he had
as above supplied the King in his necessity would
no doubt be regarded as a reason for retaining his
services after the Eestoration.
He held, it seems, no official position at the Tower
under Charles I, and we find Blondeau informing Par-
liament in June, 1650, that the Master of the Mint
"hath brought in an Irish Lock Smith, one David
Eamage a man ill-affected to the present Government,
who hath been Servant formerly [to] the late deceased
Master Briot, for whom he forged his tools and marked
his Brass Counters."55 Blondeau complained that the
Mint Master had "caused the said Irish Smith to be
associated with the workmen of the Mint," apparently
in consequence of his knowledge of Briot's methods.
We cannot enter here upon the differences between
the milled coinages of Briot and Blondeau, but we see
52 Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. X. p. 396,
53 Audit Office Accounts, 1599-42.
44 See Treasury Books, T. 51. 1. July 7, 1660.
55 See Thomason Tracts, 669, f. 15 (33), Brit. Mus.
o 2
188 HELEN FARQUHAR.
that at the time of the Civil War Kamage was only
in the employ of the former, and held no official
status, although he appears amongst the Moneyers
in November, 1651, and again in 1652.56 That Eamage,
although worsted in his competition with Blondeau,
obtained a post as superintendent of mills is seen
from the confirmation under Charles II above noticed.
But to us the important matter is that the payment
given to Kamage in 1642 was evidently for instruments
such as he was in the habit of making for Briot.
I am informed by Mr. Symonds that he has not—
and neither have I — found his name in any list of
officials of so early a date as the reign of Charles I, but
he was obviously in the habit of supplying the instru-
ments as required for this King, for a remonstrance
framed by the wardens of the Mint in the commencement
of Charles II's reign refers to his having so done.57 It is
stated that several sorts of engines, presses, mills, rollers,
and other instruments for the fabric of his medals and
Tryals for his monies " were ordered by Charles I " at
great expense, and that the " Money Tryals not answer-
ing his Matvs expectation, Those Instruments were
comitted after to the care of David Kamadge (the
Artificer who made them) for preservation in the Mint."
The wardens thought these tools were likely to encourage
false coining unless kept for safety in the Tower, and
objected " that since the late distempered tymes divers
of those Instruments and Tooles have beene by warrants
and other meanes comanded of out of the Mynt." It
seems possible that Kamage — or, if not he, Parkhurst
56 Thomason Tracts, E. 1070, 10, No. 2 ; and Henfrey, Coins and
Medals of Oliver Cromwell, p. 63.
57 State Papers Domestic, Carl. II, Vol. XXII. No. 182.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 189
or some other — succeeded in sending some puncheons
to Shrewsbury, for some rare pound and half-pound
pieces (Hawkins, type 1) bear the same horse as we
find on the Tower half-crowns, type SA, mint-marks
Portcullis to Star, a puncheon which was just going out
of use, and would therefore be spared the more easily.
I am not suggesting that they are the work of Eamage,
having nothing in common with his known productions,
whilst we know that Briot was the recognized designer
of the obverses for the Tower coinage of 1628 onwards.
The puncheons intended for the hammered coinage
would be delivered to the mint and remain at the
disposal of the Warden, in whosesoever charge they
might be, and the jurisdiction still lay in the hands
of Parkhurst, who, as we know, was commissioned to
supply the York Mint, and clearly "instrumts" for
Shrewsbury were despatched at similar date.
About the beginning of July, then, the less fortunate
shipload, carrying Briot's personal baggage and heavy
presses, started for Scarborough, and was held up on
the 15th of the month by the Parliamentary patrol.
Let us turn to the Commons' Journals, and under date
of July 23, 1642, we may read the matter in greater
detail than in the version given by Carlyle.58 " A
letter," so runs the report, " from Mr. Jo. Stevens,
Captain of one of the ships of the Fleet now at Sea,
and riding about Scarborough, of the 15th of July.
Ordered that the Committee for the Navy do send for
Monsieur Bryatt of the Minte, and examine the Business
concerning the Materials belonging to the Minte sent
by him and stayed at Scarborough by Captain Stevens :
58 Commons' Journals, Vol. II. p. 687.
190 HELEN FARQUHAK.
and that they give order to Captain Steevens to detain
them in his hands, till he receives further order from
the House. Resolved, That Mr. Steevens, Master of
the Ship that rides about Scarborough, that stayed the
Materials of all Sorts belonging to the Mint (no Authority
appearing for Transporting of them) has done well in
Staying of them." From an entry commanding the
attendance of Briot before the Committee, Ruding
infers that he was at this moment — i.e. on Saturday,
July 23— in London,59 probably deeming that were it
otherwise some notice would have been taken of his
non-attendance, and also the remark that the words
" sent by him " as applied to the mint material suggests
that if he went north at all at this moment his presence
escaped detection at this period, and he made his way
back to London. Concerning this voyage we shall have
more to say presently, but we have now reached the
moment in the month of August, outlined by Carlyle
at the beginning of our narrative, when on the 20th
the order for the restoration of Briot's wearing apparel
was issued by the Commons.60 On July 23, 1642, a
decree had been pronounced that thenceforward neither
arms nor war material should be shipped from the
Tower without the Lieutenant's permission,61 but
curiously enough it was not until October 5 that
the prohibition was formally extended to the Mint.
Under this date we read : " Ordered that the Officers
of the Minte be required not to suffer any Officer, Work-
man, or Instrument, belonging to the Minte, or Coining,
or Graving to quit their Charge or to be carried from
59 Ruding, vol. i. p. 397.
60 Commons' Journals, Vol. II. p. 728.
61 Ibid., Vol. II. pp. 687 an* 689.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 191
thence without order of this House." 62 It seems likely
that this Parliamentary ukase was issued on the dis-
covery that the King had sent for Parkhurst and other
officers to attend him ; but we have reason to believe
that money would be considered as " War Material " at
an earlier period.
The seizure of the Tower was now complete, so far as
the King was concerned, for he could no longer obtain
help thence, unless secretly. The sequestration of the
royal estates and revenues followed after an interval, the
ordinance of Parliament directing the spoliation being
dated September 21, 1643,63 but Mr. Symonds informs
me that he has made extracts from an account furnished
by a Parliamentarian receiver of mint revenues, which
runs from November 25, 1642, and that from entries in
this document it appears that the Mint was actually
seized as from August 10, 1642.64
From thenceforth therefore — certainly from the date
of the above order of October 5 — if Nicholas Briot
supplied the King with dies he did so at considerable
risk, and the question has been raised whether he
abandoned his master or whether he, as tradition asserts,
threw wife and children, habitation and salary, to the
winds in pursuit of loyalty.
62 Commons' Journals, Vol. II. p. 795.
63 Ibid., Vol. in. p. 250.
64 On this day a Committee was appointed in the House of Com-
mons to look after some monies which had been seized (see Commons'
Journals, vol. ii. pp. 712-713). Nevertheless, so late as December 3, 1642,
we still find the King's Gentleman of the Robes, George Kirk, appealing
for £1000 out of coinage money in the Tower for the King's apparel.
This sum had been authorized by Parliament, but by another order
had been devoted to the expenses of H.M.'s children, who had re-
mained in London, and had not been used for the King's robes.
Hist. MSS. Comm. Report V., House of Lords MSS., p. 59.
192 HELEN FARQUHAR.
In the light of recent discoveries it seems to me that
he perhaps adopted a middle course, visiting the King
by stealth only, under pretence perhaps of journeys to
France in obedience to more than one summons, such as
he had, we believe, received earlier from the Cour des
Monnaies to be again repeated in these crucial years.65
He might possibly supply the want of dies by means of
a messenger or give a general superintendence to the
mints of York and Oxford in flying visits, as he had
done in Scotland, but as we shall presently see, he did
not pass wholly undetected and he suffered for his
loyalty.
Mr. Symonds was the fortunate discoverer of evidence
concerning the engraver's last days, of his payment by
the Mint authorities during the concluding nine months
of his life, of the date of his last will and testament, of
the place of his death and burial,66 disposing once for all
of the theory held until recently by myself and others
that he died at Oxford actually at the Court of Charles.
as c( j} revint en Prance peutetre en 1642, mais certainement en 1644.
Le 2 Sep. 1642 [N.S.], Jean Varin et un certain Briot durent comparaitre
devant la Cour des Monnaies. . . . S'agit il de Nicolas Briot ou d'Isaac
Briot, son frere ? Le 20 (?) Avril [N.S.] 1644. Nicolas Briot, etant en dis-
cussion avec Jean Varin, est cit6 par la Cour des Monnaies " (Maze-
rolle's Mtdailleurs, vol. i. pp. cxxvii and cxxviii). Mr. Henfrey, in his
Numismata Cromwelliana, p. 5, whilst quoting Walpole's Anecdotes of
Painting (vol. i. p. 256, edit. 1886) in support of the theory that
Briot returned to France in 1642, discountenances that of George
Vertue (Medals, Coins, (&c., of Thomas Simon, edit. 1780, p. 61), that the
year 1646 was that of his return, deeming the date to be " probably a
misprint as Briot appears to have gone to France from Scarborough in
1642." Mr. Henfrey did not give his authority for this statement.
66 Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. X. p. 397. I understand by Mr.
Symonds' courtesy that this payment of £37 10s. for three-quarters of
a year at the annual fee of £50 appears in the Warden's account which
runs from April 1, 1646, to March 31, 1647. The payment extends
to December 25, 1646, the actual day of Briot's burial.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 193
Mr. Symonds tells us that the engraver's will was dated
a considerable time after the fall of the University city,
i.e. on December 22, 1646, and that it was written in the
parish of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields in London, but that
no precise place of abode is mentioned, and finally, that
Briot was buried in St. Martin's Church three days later.
He further informed me that Briot desired to be interred
in the parish wherein he might die, from which I think
we may conclude that he did indeed suffer for his efforts
in the King's cause, being turned out of his lodgings in
the Tower. But the natural inference was drawn by
Mr. Symonds that Briot, dying in the pay of the Parlia-
ment, the Government moreover paying to his widow
eighteen months later an additional sum 67 for his tools
and presses, which remained at the Tower for the use
of the Mint,68 was the servant of the Commonwealth
rather than of the King, and with this we are agreed.
When publishing some years ago his " Trials of
the Pyx," in the Numismatic Chronicle, Mr. Symonds
67 By warrant of June 17, 1646, the sum of £258 10s. for his mills,
presses, and tools (see " Trials of the Pyx" in Num. Chron., as above,
p. 397).
68 In 1656 when the milled coinage was attempted by Oliver Crom-
well, Blondeau was at first allotted " that house in the Tower, where
M. Biott formerly worked," and he was permitted the use of " all such
forges and tools as are there." By his own choice, however, different
premises were prepared for him (see British Numismatic Journal, vol.
v. p. 238). This matter of the mills used by Briot was already in dis-
cussion in May, 1651, the provost and company of moneyers suggesting
on the 7th of that month that if £1000 were provided for repairs they
made " no question of supplying " a milled coinage as " faire, beautiful
and cheap as any Frenchman," alleging, however, that " it will require
several mills and horses and houses to be sett up, the workhouses in ye
mint being within these few years mightily decayed, the same being
done in Briott's time about the year 1633 and the charges thereof cost
seventeen hundred pounds before any Tryall could be made by the
same Briott " (State Papers Domestic, Interregnum, Vol. XV. No. 69).
194 HELEN FARQUHAR.
remarked upon the "regrettable gap" in the Warden's
Mint accounts between 1642 and 1645, and although this
hiatus was covered in many cases by those of the master-
worker, the graver's fees which would have been paid
by the Warden were uuchrouicled. However, in the
light of the salary received in 1646 we felt bound to
believe that Briot, after perhaps endeavouring to supply
the needs of the King by starting obediently for York,
was stopped at Scarborough, returned to London, and
lived and died quietly in Government pay. Moreover,
Mr. Symonds' research now affords the further informa-
tion, kindly placed at my disposal, that the Warden's
account from May 13, 1645, to March 31, 1646, discloses
the fact that Briot, together with other officers, within
that period received three and a quarter years' fee ending
at Christmas, 1645, namely, £162 10s. ; therefore although
the accounts are missing for three years, Briot obtained
his arrears when payments were resumed The case
against the engraver seemed complete ; nevertheless
tradition is at times a valuable adjunct to research, and
tradition is in favour of Briot's loyalty. Besides, the
evidence of the coinage in several instances is against
the acceptation of the adverse theory unmodified. There
are York half-crowns initialled with the letter B within
the O of EBOR [PI. XII. Fig. 1] which, by reason of their
analogy with similar coins bearing mint-mark Star,
Triangle in circle [PI. XII. Fig. 2] and (P) at the Tower,
should not be placed earlier than the year 1640 — probably
later, for the mint-mark Star shows several varieties.
It is most likely upon this account that the type is
catalogued as the last in the York series by Hawkins.69
69 Hawkins type 7, Fig. 498, but the initial passes unnoticed by
this author. The type with the horse's tail visible between its legs
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 195
There are York shillings [PI. XII. Fig. 3] 70 with the
same signature and type of reverse, and on these the bust
almost exactly reproduces Briot's special coinage with
the mint-mark Anchor [PI. XII. Fig. 4] forming a con-
necting link between these beautifully engraved coins
and the Tower issues of about the same period, the latter
being, however, noticeably less well executed.
There are Oxford coins bearing the rather peculiar
horse first designed by Briot on some of his patterns
and used in his London and Scottish coinages,71 whilst
the Tower issues after the outbreak of the Civil War
show a very diverse collection of dies, especially as
regards the half-crowns and shillings, and, excepting
in spasmodic instances, a lamentable decrease in tech-
nical proficiency in the reproduction of established
types. Here again Mr. Symonds comes to our rescue,
for we learn from his English Mint Engravers 72 that
prevailed on half-crowns at the Tower upon coins marked with the Star,
Triangle in circle, and in rare instances with (P), but on the crowns we
find it in (P), (R), and Sun, until it is replaced with the last-mentioned
mint-mark by the type usually attributed to Simon (Hks. type 5). It
appears, therefore, that these York half-crowns cannot reasonably be
placed earlier than 1640, at the very soonest. I may note that of the
Tower Mint I have seen but one half-crown bearing this York horse
with the mint-mark (P), that in the British Museum. We may, there-
fore, assume that the smaller horse, which had been in evidence until
the introduction of the Star mint-mark in July, 1641, resumed its sway
about 1644 upon the half-crowns.
70 The busts upon the York shillings, Hks. type 4 and 5, reproduce
Briot's type 2. Some of the shillings assigned by Hawkins to an
earlier date are connected with the Briot issues by the reverse, having
a cross extending to the edge of the coin like Briot's Hks. type 1. The
coins numbered by Hks. in shillings 1 to 3, in half-crowns 1 to 4, are
less well designed than the later types, and the busts and equestrian
figures have no such prototypes at the Tower.
71 Besides the Oxford series of half-crowns dated 1643 to 1646, there
is in the British Museum a solitary pound-piece of this type bearing
date 1643.
7- Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII., p. 367.
196 HELEN FAEQUHAR.
Nicholas de Burgh, John Decroso, and Abraham Preston
were temporarily employed at the Tower at various dates
between 1641 and 1644, John East being still under
graver, whilst Edward Greene, the official chief graver
of many years' standing, died towards the end of the
last-mentioned year.73 The coinage at Oxford presents
more difficulties, if we attempt to judge by style, than
does that of York, for not only have we to dismiss from
our mind the peculiar method of striking which we are
accustomed to associate with the name of Briot, but we
have a formidable rival in artistic merit with whom to
contend in Thomas Kawlins. Uncertainty haunts our
steps when we endeavour to draw a line between his
work and that of Briot, for portraiture, which should be
our surest test, fails us, in that identical medals were
made by these two artists whilst the King was at Oxford
in 1643, the only difference being in the artists' initials
under the bust.74 It is believed that the taking of
73 Simon was at this time also working at the Mint, but his attention
appears to have been principally absorbed in making seals. His
official appointment as maker of coins is of April 4, 1645.
74 Med. III., vol. i. pp. 308--309, Nos. 134, 135, and 136, dated 1643.
We notice that No. 135, as catalogued in Medallic Illustrations of
British History, is not signed, but a similar example in the Hunter
cabinet has . CO . below the bust, and I think a trace of the signature
in this form can be made out on the Museum specimen. We find
some of Briot's dies still in use after his death (see Med. III., vol. i.
p. 336, Nos. 179 and 180, and p. 309, No. 136), some reverses bearing
date 1648 (p. 336, No. 179), and even 1660 (p. 309, No. 136), but marks
of rust on these prove that the dies had been laid aside for the time,
whilst I venture to think the undated pieces (see No. 180) belonged
originally to the issues of 1643. The earlier issues, known in
Medallic Illustrations as "Peace or War," are therein referred to
the period of the " taking of Bristol in consequence of the King's
expression of his wish for peace as opposed to these miserable
bloody distempers, which, as he informed his Council, " have dis-
quieted this poor kingdom" (see Clarendon's History, 1843, p. 411).
On the other hand, another likely occasion of yet earlier issue may have
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 197
Bristol by Prince Kupert on July 27 of that year was
commemorated by these "Peace or War" medals. If
this indeed be the date and occasion of this medal
rather than the previous April when terms of peace
were debated and rejected, we must remember that
Rawlins produced also two other very poor medals 75 in
commemoration of the reduction of Bristol, and their
extreme rarity suggests that the King did not like the
portrait, and choosing Briot's design made Rawlins copy
the work of his senior. These medals may, I think, be
taken as evidence that whilst Rawlins was working
steadily in Oxford in 1643, Briot either paid one of his
flying visits to the King about the middle of that year
or supplied his master with dies from London.
It is not my intention, however, at present to say
more than I can help concerning Rawlins, but we
cannot discuss the Oxford currency without reference
to his signed coinage of 1644 to 1646, and the impres-
sion that he served the King from the beginning of
Charles I's residence in the University is suggested by
the multitude of badges which, during the Civil War,
occupied the place of the war medals of to-day. This
belief is further strengthened by a badge in my own
collection which bears date 1642.76 '
Mr. Symonds has shown that the initialled coinage
of Oxford was followed instead of being preceded by
an official appointment as " Chiefe Graver to his Mats
been the meeting at Oxford to discuss a treaty, the King on April 12,
1643, making a communication to the Parliamentary delegates of his
readiness to cease hostilities (see Clarendon, as above, p. 379).
» Med. III., vol. i. p. 307, Nos. 131-132.
76 This badge, although unsigned, is so much like one of Rawlins'
other medallions, that it is almost impossible to assign it to any other
artist.
198 HELEN FARQUHAR.
mints in the Tower of London and elswhere in England
and Wales " under a sign manual of April, 1645,77
some months after the death of Edward Greene, who,
although in the Parliamentary employ, originally held
his appointment from the King. This Privy Seal, with
its grant to Rawlins of a position, which, as Mr. Symonds
points out, it was no longer in the power of Charles to
bestow, was probably the only reward he could offer
him, and was rather a guarantee of past services than an
actual gift of present preferment.
Not unnaturally the office of chief graver was almost
simultaneously filled by the decree of King and Parlia-
ment, for the letters patent granted by the latter78
bestowing the post upon Edward Wade and Thomas
Simon in lieu of " Edward Green deceased " are dated
April 4, 1645,79 and possibly the King, having learned
of these changes at the Tower, endowed Rawlins with
the title of chief graver as a protest.
We know not where Kawlins first fell in with Charles,
nor whether he was an amateur throwing in his lot with
the King as did so many of the cultured youth of the
day. He had already distinguished himself as a play-
wright and man of letters, his proficiency as a writer
being acknowledged^ some years before the outbreak of
the Civil War.80
We have no evidence to prove that he had fallen in
77 Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. p. 369.
78 It appears from contemporary evidence brought forward by Mr.
Symonds from the Pipe Office Accounts that Nicholas de Burgh
temporarily filled the office after Greene's death until the appointment
of Simon and Wade was made.
78 See Num. Chron., 1st Ser., Vol. IV. p. U, and 4th Ser., Vol. XIII.
p. 368. Edward Greene died shortly before Christmas, 1644.
80 It is believed that Bawlins produced his play, Tlie Rebellion, in
1637, although it was not published until 1640.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 199
with Thomas Bushell, the mine-owner and mint-master,
and came to Oxford with the latter on his removal of
the Shrewsbury mint to the University town ; rather
the contrary, for he can hardly be held responsible
for the unfortunate quadruped which appears on most
of the Shrewsbury and Oxford coins at this early date.
We do, however, believe that Kawlins was with Bushell
before the year 1642, according to the old style of
reckoning, had expired, for the pound-piece coined at
the latter city (Hks. type 4) 81 bears this date together
with an admirably delineated horse much resembling
the signed crown of 1644 with Oxford in the back-
ground. We must, therefore, rather attribute the ugli-
ness of the early Oxford equestrian figure in general to
the fact that Rawlins's activity was employed in making
badges, a somewhat lengthy process, in that they were
cast and usually chased, and consequently required the
supervision of the artist. By the help of these badges,
some of which bear excellent equestrian portraits, and
of his signed coins of 1644 to 1646, it seems possible to
identify his part in the coinage, assigning to his credit
the superior pieces both in gold and silver from the
three-pound downwards, beginning, with the exception
of the silver twenty-shilling piece just mentioned, in
the year 1643. Our first official notice that Rawlins
was engraver of coins lies in a warrant addressed to him
on June 1, 1643, concerning a gold badge to be pre-
sented to Sir Kobert Walsh, who had distinguished
himself at Edgehill in the previous October. Eawlins
81 This pound-piece bears a Shrewsbury reverse, but the obverse has
the Oxford plume. We must therefore assume it is of early Oxford
issue. This equestrian portrait is carried forward throughout 1643 and
1644 with fresh reverses, see Hks. types 5 and 7.
200 HELEN FARQUHAK.
is therein addressed as "our trusty and wellbeloved
graver of Seals, Stamps and Medals." I lay stress upon
this point, because on going to the Herald's College
to examine this grant, I found that the word " stamps,"
i.e. dies, appeared in the original document, and had
been accidentally omitted by another writer, who had
published the warrant.82 With regard to lettering a
curious anomaly presents itself, and were it invariable
we might find in it a clue, for on much of the Oxford
coinage beginning in the course of the year 1643, after
the change for the better had commenced, we notice
a peculiar closed serif in the letter R, generally in
the word Rex, and often throughout the legend.
It has the appearance of a monogram, although less
definitely than the mint-mark on certain coins upon
which some discussion has been raised concerning
their attribution to Bristol or to St. John's College,
Oxford.83
Our first idea was that Briot might have used this closed
82 See article on the " Medal presented to Sir Robert Walsh," Num.
Chron., 1st Ser., Vol. XV. pp. 80-81.
83 The R with the closed serif is not found in the legend of the
specimens where the monogram is used as a mint-mark, and they bear
an ugly horse, such as that in use at Oxford until 1643 only. Whether
the removal of this engraver's dies to Bristol, or the desire to set them
aside for a particular issue at Oxford, gave rise to the substitution of
Briot's horse, is a question which it boots not to renew here, but half-
crowns exist with a horse of the early Oxford type on the obverse,
combined with a reverse bearing the B. monogram as mint-mark, and
when new puncheons were made with a slightly differing equestrian
figure, we observe that it is still of the same coarse workmanship and
clumsy drawing as though from the hand of the same engraver. It
is apparent from a manuscript in the British Museum that Bushell
was " at great charge in Repairing the Castle [at Bristol] and setting
up a mint therein." The expense incurred by him in so doing
amounted to £1000, and, giving my opinion for what it is worth, it
seems natural to assign his removal to a period shortly after the
capture of the city, i.e. in the late autumn of 1643.
NICHOLAS BKIOT AND THE CIVIL WAS. 201*
serif in the legend giving to the B. the appearance of
a monogram just as he enclosed his initial within the
o of EBOR or frankly placed it on his London milled
coinage. But this may hardly be, for it is noticeable on
the Oxford Pattern crown signed by Eawlins, who for
such a personal exhibition of his skill would hardly
employ a lettering denoting partnership with another.
We might just as easily suggest that this composite
letter stood for the partnership of Bushell and Rawlins,
Bushell as mint master, Kawlins as chief graver, but
such dates as we possess concerning Bushell's move-
ments are indicative of his moving to Bristol just as this
strangely shaped R first meets our eye, also we must
notice that the closed serif is not upon any of the war-
badges which Eawlins first designed at the suggestion,
and in some cases, if not all, at the expense of Bushell.8*
It is true that lettering is often a help in determining
to what artist a coin is likely to be attributable, and
we notice in the later half-crowns at Oxford a certain
shaping of the letter A, a frequent use of a lozenge and
of rosettes and stops which, unlike the closed serif, are
reminiscent of Briot's most careful early coinage. This
fact suggests that not only were the puncheons for the
equestrian figure from his hand, but that he also
engraved the pattern dies or at least that tools from his
workshop were in use. It is, however, not wise to lay
much stress on this point, for the lettering is not
invariable, and was probably rather the fashion of the
f
84 Amongst the services enumerated by the King in a testimonial to
Thomas Bushell under date June 12, 1643, Charles mentions " yor
invention for or better knowinge and rewardinge the Forlorne Hope
with Badges of Silver at yr own Chardge, when the souldiers were
readie to run awaye through the instigation of some disafected
persons " (see Harl. MS., Charters 111, B. 61).
NUM. CHKON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. P
202
HELEN FARQUHAR.
moment than the exclusive hall-mark of the man. It
is, moreover, rare to find the silver coins in such condition
as would enable us to judge fairly of the engraver's pro-
ficiency, especially as regards the half-crowns, and I
must reluctantly admit that I have never seen a specimen
of this denomination at Oxford, in which one could
recognize the precision of his workmanship.
Oxford was, as York had been at first, but badly pro-
vided with implements for coinage upon a large scale,
such as was demanded by the melting of the College
plate. The King, shortly after the seizure of the cargo,
which had been intended to facilitate his coining
operations in the north, had, on setting up his standard
at Nottingham on August 22, 1642,85 sent requests to
Oxford and Cambridge for contributions in plate, and
receiving the same, again sent "secret orders" to the
officers of the Mint " to be ready to come to his Majesty
as soon as he should find a place convenient." 86 Sir
William Parkhurst, the Warden of the Mint, obeyed
the King's summons, and to his superintendence, in
co-operation with Thomas Bushell as joint master, was
committed the Oxford mint — set up at New Inn Hall
on January 3, 1642-3, a considerable time having
85 This date is usually accepted as that of the setting up of the
Standard, being that given by Rushworth (edit. 1708, vol. iv. p.
503) ; by Lilly the astrologer (see Tracts of the Civil War, vol. i. pp.
176-177) ; and by Gardiner in his History of the Great Civil War, vol. i.
p. 1. Charles appointed this day as a rendezvous in a proclamation
written from York on the 12th of August (see Works of Charles I, vol.
ii. p. 102). Clarendon says that the King arrived two or three days
before he had appointed to set up the standard," and he did so on the
25th " at about six of the clock in the evening of a very stormy and
tempestuous day," that it was blown down, and " could not be fixed
again in a day or two till the tempest was allayed " (History of the
Rebellion, edit. 1843, pp. 288-289).
86 Clarendon, edit. 1843, p. 301, where the account is given of plate
arriving at Nottingham from both Universities.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 203
elapsed since the arrival of Charles, who had reached
the University city on October 29. Thomas Bushell,
whose mint at Aberystwith, in operation since 1637, had
produced a weekly output of some £6S,87 carried his
experience and, so far as in him lay, his help to the
King at Shrewsbury, but Clarendon notes that even
there, although bullion came in, the coining operations
were delayed. " Such proportions of Plate and Money,"
says the historian of The Rebellion, " were voluntarily
brought in, that the army was fully and constantly paid.
The King having erected a Mint at Shrewsbury, more
for reputation than use (for, for want of workmen and
instruments, they could not coin a thousand pounds a
week) and causing all his own plate, for the service of
his household to be delivered, thus made other men
think, theirs was the less worth preserving." ^
This small apparatus, then, reached Oxford on January 3,
and so early as the 6th we have records of the King's
orders to All Souls' College to deliver plate to Parkhurst
and Bushell at the rate of five shillings per ounce " white
silver " and five shillings and sixpence per ounce " gilt
silver,"89 "to be repaid," as the unfortunate monarch
sanguinely promised, " when God shall enable us." 90
87 " A Glance inside the Mint of Aberystwith," by Henry Symonds,
in the British Numismatic Journal, vol. viii. p. 205, where the average
weekly output between January, 1638, and September, 1642, is calcu-
lated at £68 Is. 5d. by tale.
88 Clarendon, p. 305 ; see also Hawkins' Silver Coins, p. 320.
89 Ruding, vol. ii. p. 206. We must note that the first instalments
of College plate are thought by Ruding to have been minted at York
(see Ruding, pp. 209 and 232), but all the bullion despatched did not
reach the King (see Commons' Journals, August 22, 1642, vol. ii. p. 731).
" The Plate belonging to Maudlyn College in Cambridge stayed as it
was going to Yorke to promote the war against Parliament shall be
forthwith brought to London," &c., &c.
90 The same form was employed in asking for plate from St. John's
p2
204 HELEN FAKQUHAR.
Not only was the Oxford mint called upon to melt the
cups and platters of the Colleges, but, judging from a
testimonial given by Charles to Bushell, such foreign
money as was contributed to the royalist cause had to
be converted into English currency.91 This document,
amongst the benefits for which the King thanks Bushell,
mentions particularly that of " yr changinge the dollars
with wch we paid or Souldiers at Six Shillings a peece,
when the Malignant partie cried them downe to five."
The value of the dollar fluctuated somewhat, and
judging from the specimens I have had the opportunity
of weighing, the issues of this period did not reach an
ounce in weight, but older pieces sometimes turned the
scales at 490 grains ; if, therefore, Bushell was enabled
partly to recoup himself by means of the heavier ex-
amples in recoining the money, we can believe his allega-
tion that the loss he sustained "For changing £8000
dollars from 6s. to 5s. p. Dollar" was £300 — a computation
otherwise somewhat puzzling as the difference should be
nearer £400 than £300. 92 Not being able to ascertain at
College, Oxford (see Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. X. p. 204). Parlia-
ment, beforehand with the King in requesting contributions, had on
June 10, 1642, offered that those who should lend plate or ready
money to them " shall have their money repaid with Interest according
to Eight Pounds per cent, and the full value of their Plate with Con-
siderations for the Fashion, not exceeding one Shilling per ounce . . .
and for this both Houses of Parliament do engage the Public Faith "
(see Commons' Journals, vol. ii. p. 618). I have seen at the Record
Office (State Papers Domestic, Carl. I, Vol. CCCCXCI. No. 26) a
receipt for one of these loans dated June 20, 1642.
91 British Museum MS., Harleian Charters, 111, B. 61. Mr. Wroth,
in his article in the Dictionary of National Biography, gives extracts
from this testimonial, which is also published in Ellis's Letters, 2nd
Ser., vol. iii. p. 309.
92 A crown or 5s. piece weighs on an average 460 grains ; the ounce
of silver was, as we have seen, valued at 5s., and weighed 480 grains. The
average dollar from 1624 to 1630, as found in the National Collection,
NICHOLAS BEIOT AND THE CIVIL WAE. 205
what moment the Parliament effected this manoeuvre to
hamper Charles in the use of foreign money, I referred
to another Harleian document, BushelFs own statement
of his claims after the Restoration, and find amongst the
many testimonies given by Parkhurst and others to his
loyalty, " that at Shrewsbury he was at a charge of about
300Z. for changing Dollers, by his Ma13 appointment
and proclamation." 93 The Queen had probably sent
over the dollars from Holland, whither she had journeyed
on February 23, 1641-2, to escort her little daughter
Mary to the Dutch husband, to whom she had been
married in the previous May. Young William II
generously supported his father-in-law's cause, and when
Henrietta returned to England in February, 1642-3, he
advanced her £1,200,000. The Queen had taken jewels
to pawn to supply the King's immediate needs, but it
is obvious that the large quantity of dollars arriving in
1643 would have to be treated as bullion by the King at
Oxford and by the Queen at York, whither she almost
immediately repaired on landing." 94
I cannot pause here to tell in detail of Bushell's
many services to the King. He not only provided
turns the scale at 420 grains, the preceding issue, on the other
hand, came out at 490 grains. In the reign of Anne it was decided
not to recoin the dollars taken at Vigo, because they passed at 5s. 9d.,
and if melted did not realize 5s. 6d. in bars (see Treasury Papers,
Vol. LXXXIX. No. 32).
93 Harl. 6833, f. 71b, Brit. Mus., letter from Sir William Parkhurst to
the Lord High Treasurer under date 16th March, 1662. Parkhurst states
that the various services performed by Bushell without remuneration
cost him £36,000.
94 March 7, 1642-3. "The Queen came to York, attended by
the Duke of Richmond," &c., &c. . . . after " staying about a Fort-
night at Bridlington to refresh herself " (see Christopher Hildyard's
Antiquities of York, edit. 1664, p. 54). She had left Holland on
February 25, and encountered very bad weather. She remained at
York until June 1.
206 HELEN FARQUHAR.
Charles with "a thousand stoute Myners in tenn days
time, for his said Mats. Life Guarde," but dissuaded
another 2000 men from going over to the side of the
Parliament in Yorkshire.95
By the sight of his mint and " the store of Plate and
Bullion, which he procured," he prevailed on the army
to encounter the enemy at Edgehill, distributing coins
at his own expense, but in the King's name at Wolver-
hampton, " with a motto on the Reverse to show, what
they fought for, which soe incouraged them when pay
was wanting, that the next Day they gott the Field." %
He fortified the castles of Bristol and Lundy at a cost
of £1000 for each place, " repayring " the first, and in the
case of the latter building " a Chapell and Castle from
the ground." He established a mint actually within the
castle in the midst of Bristol, which he supplied with
pure silver from his own mine "to equall the allay of
soldered plate ... to uphold his Majestie's Standard,
95 Bushell not only provided the Forlorn Hope medals at his own
expense at a cost of £100 (see p. 201, note 84), but gave 3600 pounds of
tobacco when there was a difficulty about the men's pay, and frequently
provided the clothing of entire regiments (see Harl. 6833, Brit. Mus.).
88 Bushell's own statement (Harl. 6833). According to another
deposition made by Richard Nichols, a London moneyer under Charles
II, who was in the employ of Bushell at Shrewsbury, Oxford and
Bristol, we must not confuse these gifts with the medals given for the
Forlorn Hope, although in parts of the MS. they are spoken of as " a
Medail of Silver with a motto " or " a medaile of 20s.," &c. Nichols
says Bushell presented " each Colonel with a twenty shilling piece of
f*f
Gold and all other officers ten or five and every Comon Soldier half
a Crowne with this mottoe upon the band Cross in the Middle vizt
(Relig. Protest. Leg. Ang. Libert. Parliam.) that the Enemy might
know ye Cause to bee Just and what they faught for, as well as
themselves find money in their pocket, which prudent policy gaue
them all such Content coming from a Kings guift as if they had
had ye whole of their arrears paid." Bushell gives the legend as
Religo Prot Legi Angll" Libert Parlia, but we have found no coin
reading exactly thus.
NICHOLAS 3RIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 207
. . . until the Parliament had seased his Mynes " in
Wales.97
The date of the Bristol coinage is not specified more
precisely, neither have I been able to ascertain exactly
when the seizure of the Welsh mines rendered his
active co-operation impossible ; but the evidence of
one Pigott, a Major in Lord Inchiquin's Irish con-
tingent of troops, proves that Bushell there clothed
his and Lord Broghill's regiments in the year 1643,
whilst another order to the same effect is addressed by
the King "to our trusty and well beloued Thomas
Bushell Esqre, one of the Wardens of our Mint at
Bristoll," so late as 3Iay 17, 1644.98
If we assume that Bushell removed the dies of poor
design so soon as the castle was ready for the recep-
tion of his mints, we should be inclined to think that
the year 1643 was drawing towards its close, for the
inferior quadruped on the half-crown is commoner at
Oxford than its successor with the "Briot horse."
Bristol was in the hands of the Royalists from July 26,
1043, to September 11, 1645 ; but before the time when
Eupert evacuated the stronghold, Bushell had shut
97 Parkhurst states that but for the £100 weekly sent to Bushell " out
of Wales in Cakes, for a Long time we could hardly have made money
at Shrewsbury and Oxford for after he caried his silver to Bristol I
was forced," writes Sir William, "to refine much soldered plate to
uphold his Majestie's Standard." By Bushell's own showing the fine
silver weekly supplied by him in 1642, 1643, and 1644 to the mints of
" Salop [i.e. Shrewsbury] Oxford and Bristol " amounted in the end
to £15,000.
98 The King on November 10, 1643, accepted the offer made
by Lord Taaffe that 2000 Irishmen should be sent over. The first
Irish contingent was defeated by Fairfax on January 25, 1643/4, and
by Thomas Pigott's evidence it appears that " 1000 suites of cloathes "
were delivered for the use of his regiment in the course of the year
1643. Inchiquin, Pawlett, and others give similar testimony (see
Harl. 6833, Brit. Mus.).
208 HELEN FARQUHAE.
himself up in Lundy Island, which he defended for
three years. One of the conditions offered in January,
1645-6, for its surrender — a bait rejected by him until
September, 1647, more than a year after he had
received permission from the King to capitulate —
was that his mines should be restored to him by the
Parliamentarians, but how long they had been in the
hands of his enemies is not clear.
But our interest in Bushell and his probable trans-
ference of his dies to Bristol has carried us too far from
the earlier working of the Oxford mint, and we must
close our recital of the benefits he conferred on Charles
by a quotation from the King's testimonial — special
thanks being due to the proprietor of the Aberystwith
mines for "supplyinge us at Shrewsburie and Oxford
with yr mint for the payment of our armie when all
the officers in the Mint of or Tower in London forsook
their Attendance except Sr William Parkhurst." "
We might be inclined to assume from the above
that Briot was not with the King in the beginning of
the war, for the medals figuring the Sword and Olive
Branch, symbolical of " War and Peace " (Med. III., vol. i.
pp. 308-309, Nos. 135-136), present the first signed
indication we have of his working for Charles during
the monarch's residence in the University town in 1643,
and in 1642 we have no evidence of his handiwork at
Oxford. We know, however, that he had already
endeavoured to send puncheons to York at the desire
of Charles ; possibly the non-arrival of the cargo
89 Harl. Charters 111, B. 61. We learn, moreover, from Harl. MS.
6833, that Bushell brought with him out of Wales to Shrewsbury his
" Mint, Instruments and Moneyers, when neither men nor Tooles
could bee had from London."
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 209
diminished the monarch's appreciation of his services
in the north. The letter to Bushell, dated from
Oxford June 12, 1643, moreover precedes the capture
of Bristol by a short period, but is an indication that
he was about to start on one of the expeditions on
which the King from time to time employed him. So
much uncertainty is attached to the movements of all
these persons that it seemed well to me to examine
more carefully two petitions which were put forth
by Briot's widow, the one mentioned by the late
Mr. Henfrey in his medallic history of Oliver Cromwell,100
the other of later date, which I had cursorily read some
years ago, when the matter of Briot's loyalty had not
been called in question, and which I then quoted in
abstract from the Calendars of State Papers, in the
British Numismatic Journal.101
The petition to the Protector throws little light on
the subject, for it reads but briefly : " Hester Briott
relict of Nich. Briott ref1.102 Her Husband serv* to ye
late K. in ye Mint had his patent for 250' p. ann. 2800'
due at his death whereof litle rec'1. Prays a considerable
sum in Lieu therof or competent pension till discharged,
22 Jan (1655-6) submitted." 103
100 Numismata Cromwelliana, Appendix, p. 224, note 2 to page 3, line
7, " We find among the Abstracts of Interregnum Petitions in the
Public Record Office mention of a petition to the Protector from Hester
Briot, relict of Nich. Briot, dated the 22nd of January 1655-6. It
states that £2806 was due to Briot at his death and his widow prays a
considerable sum in lieu thereof or a competent pension till dis-
charged." I think £2806 is a misprint for £2800, for so the last figure
reads in the original State Papers.
101 British Numismatic Journal,vol. v., " Portraiture of the Stuarts,"
part i. p. 186.
104 The abbreviated word " ref*1 " here introduced means, of course,
" referred," this petition being marked as " submitted," although no
indication is given of the Protector's decision.
103 State Papers Domestic, Interregnum, I. Vol. 92, No. 443.
210 HELEN FAEQUHAR.
We may assume that Oliver turned a deaf ear to the
widow's appeal, for it comes again before us at the
Restoration — the sum then demanded being just so
much larger as to imply that Esther 104 had asked the
Protector only for the overdue salary ; but in her
request to the son of the late King she added the price
of services privately performed for the latter.
Endeavouring, then, to sift at the Public Eecord Office
the grounds on which the widow based her undated
petition to Charles II, I found it so interesting that
I think I may be excused for quoting the entire
manuscript verbatim, for we shall find proofs that
the foreigner was more loyal to the monarch of his
adoption than were many of Charles I's own subjects.105
" To the King's most Excellent Majesty. The humble
Petition of Esther Briott the Relict of the deceased
Nicholas Briott Sheweth
" That yor Petls late Husband was a Servant to the
late King yor Majesty's Royall ffather of blessed memory,
for the space of 25 years, both as Maker of his Effigies
and great Scales, and as chief Graver of his Maty8 Mint
104 Esther (or as she is called in the Interregnum Papers, Hester) Briot
was the second wife of our artist, married in 1611. He married firstly
Pauline Nisse, who died in 1608 (see Ferrer's Dictionary of Medallists,
and Mazerolle's Medailleurs, p. cxxviii). Esther was the daughter of
James Pintaut (sometimes spelt Petau), and I am kindly informed by
Mr. Symonds, who has made notes concerning Briot's will, dated
December 22, 1646, that he left her his sole heir, subject to legacies to
the children of his deceased son " Phillip," and to the testator's other
children, the payment to the two youngest of these being dependent on
the discharge! of the King's debt (see Num. Chron., Ser. 4, Vol. X.,
" Trials of the Pyx," p. 397). Philippe was the eldest son, and we find
him giving evidence in Paris in 1628 of his father's employment in
England, whence he himself had just returned (Mazerolle's Midailleurs,
p. 485).
105 State Papers Domestic, Carl. II. Vol. LV. No. 100.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 211
of England, for wh his Matv allowed him the yearly
salary of 250U.
" That during the late Warres, he not only continued
in his Loyalty to his Maty, for wch he suffered very much,
and lost all his fortune, but even in the worse of times,
as long as he lived, he from time to time did goe to
York, and Oxford at his Matv's commaund (and during his
absence the Mint Tools were seised upon out of the Ship
and his Wife and Children thrown out of their dwelling
in the Tower [)?] and 'notwithstanding, with very great
danger to his person, he furnished still the Mint at
Oxford, with the necessary Stamps and Puncheons, as
it is well known both to Sr Edward Nicholas and to
Sr Wm. Parkhurst.
" That the said Briott dying in the yeare 1646, left yr
Petr in a very disconsolate condition, who hath ever
since been forced to live with her children,106 a poore
Widdow and Stranger, in an indigent estate, under
many straights and wants, not having been able to gett
satisfaction for 300011 that then remained due by his
Maty to her sd husband for his Wages and are unpayd
toe this day.
106 Besides Philippe (who was most likely the son of the first wife,
since he appeared to be independent of his father so early as 1628), the
will mentions Esther, married in Scotland, therefore probably the
wife of Falconer the Master of the Scottish Mint ; Anne, also married,
and Judith and Theodore, evidently still residing with their mother.
At least one other son must have existed, for one Vasson, in evidence
before the Cour des Monnaies in 1628, said that on Christmas Day,
1626, he took some shoes home to Briot, then resident in London, and
that " il vit aussy avecq ledit Bryot 1'un de ses fils, noapas l'ain£ ni le
plus jeune." Whether Theodore was the youngest here mentioned, or
was born later in England, is not apparent, but I have not found his
name amongst the baptismal registers of the French Protestant
Church in London, published by the Huguenot Society, so that it is
likely he was born before Briot's journey to England. Judith acted as
witness at a christening at the above church in November, 1640.
212 HELEN FAKQUHAK.
"And that yor Petr is now informed that yr Malv
hath been graciously pleased to order the paying of a
certaine proportion to all his said late Maty's Servants,
for supplying of their present necessitys.
" Yor Petr therefore doth most humbly pray yor Maty
graciously to be pleased in commiseration of her sad
condition, and of her great age (being now above 72 years
old) to commande that her name be inserted in the List
of those of his Maty'9 Servants, whom yor Maty intends
now to be relieved : Or else to give order that she may
have a present reliefe, and that a Pension bee given
her yearly for her subsistence as yor Maty shall think
fitt, the same to be deducted out of the said Summe of
300011 due, as aforesaid, to her said late husband.
" And yor Pet1 will ever pray as in duty bound," &c.
Unfortunately the petition is undated, but we may,
I think, assume that the calendarer is correct in cata-
loguing it to the early Restoration period, and its exact
date is immaterial, the reference to Sir Edward Nicholas
rendering it likely that it was put forth before August,
1662, when he retired from office.107 That which is far
more regrettable is that I personally have been unable
to discover in the State Papers any response proving
that the widow's claims were admitted, but the late
Mr. Wroth, a thoroughly reliable authority, in his
article on Briot in the Dictionary of National Biography,
says that Esther's name " was one of those, which were
ordered to be placed on the list for relieving the servants
of Charles I."108
ior This petition is calendared in abstract in the State Papers
Domestic, 1661-1662, p. 383, amongst a number of miscellaneous
petitions, mostly of May, 1662.
108 Mr. Forrer, in his Dictionary of Medallists, also assumes that the
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 213
This is much in favour of the petitioner's veracity,
for Charles II was unable, although willing, to meet
the many demands made upon him at the Restoration,
when he was obliged not only to return to his father's
adherents such of the sequestered estate as he could
restore, but also to leave in possession those who had
replaced him in power.
In calling her husband " chief Graver of his Maty8
Mint of England," Madame Briot arrogated to him a
position which belonged rightly to Edward Greene, but as
his patent from the King entitled him to usurp the privi-
leges of his official chief the expression may well pass
muster. It is but lately that the terms of the grant
made to Briot have come to our ears, through the
fortunate discovery by Mr. Symonds of the particulars
published by him in the Numismatic Chronicle.109
This patent carrying the permission to make " the
first designs and effigies of the king's image ... to be
put into the hands of our engraver, thereby to conform
the work together," was exclusively limited to the ob-
verse design, clear evidence that it was from the King's
desire to encourage an artistic style of portraiture alone
that he offered so large a salary. It is probable that
had Briot obtained the place of " mr workman " which
as I find in the State Papers he at one time craved, he
would have made special terms with his sovereign, and
the £250 might have been withdrawn, for Windebank,
arrears were indeed paid, following no doubt the authority of Mr.
Wroth.
10B Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII., " English Mint Engravers,"
pp. 364-365, giving reference to Patent Roll, 4 Carl. I, Part 11. m. 5.
We may also note that the Scottish documents designate Briot as
" Chief grauer to his Majestie in the Mynt in England " (Cochran-
Patrick, vol. ii. p. 52).
214 HELEN FARQUHAR.
the Secretary of State, noted that our engraver was dis-
posed to be more moderate than others "that shall stand
for the place." He mentions that Briot was ready "to
pduce sufficient and able men for the seruice " and had
" lately deliuered to the King at Greenwich by his Mats
expresse command certayne notes concerning the mr
workman's place and fabrications of his Mat8 Mint upon
conditions for his Mats benefitt and advantage." no
It is, however, apparent that long before the outbreak
of hostilities had depleted the royal treasury the pay-
ment of the salary had fallen in arrears, but we know it
was continued until or even after the Scottish Mint ap-
pointment in 1635, for it was already within our know-
ledge that Briot in refusing to be bound to constant
residence at Edinburgh alleged that this would interfere
with the £300 derived from his employment in London
— a matter now explicable by his salary of £50 from
1633 onward at the Tower plus the King's grant.111 I
had, moreover, noticed amongst some Exchequer re-
ceipts in the State Papers " from Sep. 4 1630 until the
110 State Papers Domestic, Carl. I, Vol. DXXXVII. No. 143,
where it is calendared, I think mistakenly to Briot's trial of skill of
that date, June, 1638. Presumably the place desired by Briot was
that of Master of the Mint, but possibly he only aspired to that of
Provost of the Moneyers— which was not a Court appointment. The
Provost was elected by the Company of Moneyers by whom under the
Mint Master (usually known at that time as Master Worker) the
coinage was effected. If it was the place of Master Worker that Briot
desired, it is more likely that the application was made in August,
1635, when Sir Ralph Freeman and Sir Thomas Aylesbury temporarily
succeeded Sir Robert Harley, who assumed office a second time in
1643 (see Mint Catalogue, vol. ii. p. 231). Again, were the date
earlier, the request might have referred to Scotland, but Briot became
Master-Coiner of the Edinburgh Mint in 1636.
111 Burns' Coinage of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 445, June 11, 1636 ; and
Num. Chron., New Ser., Vol. XIV. p. 254, article on the Annals of
the Scottish Coinage, by R. W. Cochran- Patrick.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 215
28th of the same being Michas Eve " that " Mr. Bryott "
received " 62H10," 112 ergo, the quarterly payment was
evidently paid for a certain period. Apparently it was
admitted, although less punctually discharged, after
the more certain salary from the Warden of the Mint
came into force in 1633. It is evident that Briot when
making his will considered his arrears in the light of
a legal claim to be made good in course of time, but
that very little of the yearly £250 had reached him
since the date above mentioned.
But how truthful soever Esther may have been con-
cerning the amount of money due to her husband, her
arithmetic was at fault when she told Charles II that
Briot " was a Servant to the late king yor Majesty's
Hoy all ffather of blessed memory for the space of 25
years." In her favour we may say that the number in
the copy of her petition at the Record Office is in figures
merely, and the possibility of a clerical error must be
taken into consideration. We have seen that the artist
came to England in the September or October of 1625,113
and, moreover, Briot himself made no assertion of so
long a residence in England, although he, in a petition
minuted by Aylesbury at Hampton Court on October 2,
1630, seems to magnify a few weeks into the space of a
year. In this appeal for the hastening of a trial of skill,
authorized by an edict of February 2, 1629-30, Briot
complains of the delays of the Mint officials, and speaks
112 State Papers Domestic, Carl. I, Vol. CLXXIII. No. 74.
lu See p. 173, also Mazerolle's Mddailleurs, vol. i. pp. 470 and 472,
where evidence is printed that Nicholas Briot signed a power of
attorney in favour of his brother Isaac Briot, who acted consistently
on his behalf before the Cour des Monnaies from the 2nd October, N.S.,
onward, answering to our September 22, for the old style was still in
use in England.
216 HELEN FAEQUHAE.
of having " allready lost about six yeares since upon yor
Mats expresse comande " he came over.114
A definite pronouncement is given by Charles I in
the patent roll of December 16, 1628, that he had a
"particular knowledge of his dexterity . . . during
the space of three years of divers works perfected by
him at the royal command."115
On the whole it is safer to adopt the end of 1625 as
the time of Briot's advent, allowing, however, for the
possibility that the artist may have performed some
work for Charles when in 1623 the latter passed through
Paris in the month of February on his way to Spain, for
the words that "upon yo1 Mat* expresse comande" he
came over are suggestive that the King had some
knowledge of his powers. But of whatever slips or
exaggeration the widow may have been guilty she brings
forward two unimpeachable witnesses in Mr. Secretary
Nicholas and Sir William Parkhurst in support of her
assertion that her husband " with very great danger to
his person furnished still the Mint at Oxford with the
necessary Stamps and Puncheons."
She also shows forth that " as long as he lived," i.e.
until the end of 1646, " he from time to time did goe
to York and Oxford at his Matys commaund," and there-
fore we look not only for coins bearing his designs, but
personal, if temporary supervision.
The fact that on the death of Edward Greene, the chief
engraver at the Tower at the end of 1644, Briot was not
elevated to his post, is indicative that either he was
still absent in France, where his presence is attested in
114 State Papers Domestic, Carl. I, Vol. CLXXIV. No. 4.
115 Patent Boll 4, Carl. I, Part 11, No. 5, as quoted by Mr. Symonds
in Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. p. 364.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 217
the April 116 of that year, or else that he had lost the
confidence — although we know that he had not forfeited
the pay — of the Parliament.
This seems likely, for we note Esther's words —
" during his absence the Mint Tools were seised upon
out of the Ship," suggesting that Briot was actually at
York on July 15, 1642, when the goods which were not
sufficiently portable to be concealed about his person
were detained at Scarborough.
It is possible that Briot was not himself a traveller
by the sea route, and contrived to escape the vigilance
of Captain Stevens and returned hurriedly to London,
perhaps in time to answer for his proceedings before
Parliament.
Be this as it may, it is clear that his absence then or at
some other time was noticed and " his Wife and Children
thrown out of their dwelling in the Tower " in conse-
quence, whilst the fact that he died in the parish of
St. Martin's-in-the-Fields shows that his reinstatement
was never complete. Although his action in going to
the King's assistance in July, 1642, was not illegal, and
the responsibility for it lay with Parkhurst, it would
naturally produce annoyance in London, and whether
the expulsion took place before or after the Mint
sequestration, there is justice in Esther Briot's plaint
that he " suffered very much and lost all his fortune,"
risking even his life in pursuing his policy of loyalty
after the removal of Mint property was forbidden by
Parliament.
Let us now turn again to the coins and endeavour to
116 April 20, 1644, in new style, according to the French record,
ergo, April 10 old style, as used in England. See note 65 to our
p. 192.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. Q
218 HELEN FARQUHAB.
recognize Briot's handiwork. May I, however, express
a hope that others more competent than myself to deal
technically with the subject may employ some leisure
moments in comparing the varieties of workmanship of
York and Oxford? The busts perhaps afford the most
accurate opportunity of tracing the sequence of the
coins, but I have already too long trespassed on my
readers' patience to detail the probabilities which occur
to me especially with regard to the Oxford portraiture,
and I purpose accordingly to follow a shorter and more
suggestive route, using the equestrian figure of the King
solely as my basis.
We need not be long tempted aside to discuss the
York pieces, because Briot has always been virtually
held responsible for the whole coinage of that city,
but the date of its commencement demands strict
scrutiny.117
Unfortunately the early history of the York mint is
hidden in the obscurity of tradition ; Folkes,118 Kuding,
and other writers, following in their footsteps, carry back
its foundation to the year 1629 when Strafford became
Governor of the North, and mention a probable coinage
in 1633 when the King was on his progress to Scotland
for his coronation. I have met with no success in
searching for any record of this event amongst the
State Papers, and by the kindness of Mr. Baldwin,
117 I am not suggesting that Briot engraved all the York coins
himself any more than he did the Scottish, which were copied
admirably by Falconer and mauled by Dickeson, but the York
coinage, like the Scottish, is the product of Briot's roller-mills, and
just as Briot delivered his patterns to be copied at the Tower, even for
pieces not struck according to his process, so his dies must often have
been copied at York.
118 Folkes' English Silver Coins, p. 79 ; Kuding, vol. ii. p. 365.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 219
who procured some information for me from Mr. George
Benson, at present resident in York, I understand that
no local research has so far corroborated this tradition,
whilst my courteous informant writes that the city
records of the reign of King Charles previously to 1645
have not been published.119 Mr. Benson referred me to
the printed writings of Mr. Robert Davies,120 who in
1854 produced an article on the York mints, telling me
that so noted an antiquary could not have overlooked
any obtainable information, and I find that Mr. Davies
discredits the early foundation of the mint. In support
of his argument he quotes one Christopher Hildyard,
Becorder of Hedon and Steward of St. Mary's Court,
York, and member of an old Yorkshire family. This
Hildyard was born in 1615 and died in 1694, having
published a small chronological work on the affairs of
York in 1664, wherein he stated that " about the latter
end "of January 1642-3 the King's Mint began to coin
in Sir Henry Jenkins' house in the Minster yard." 121
Mr. Davies, who as town clerk must have had access
to the unpublished city records, regarded this evidence
as conclusive that no former coinage had been effected,
and inferred that "the York mint was first erected
immediately after the Earl of Newcastle entered the
city as Lieutenant General of the north," and held from
118 Amongst the documents briefly catalogued by the Hist. MS.
Com. (Appendix I. p. 108) is a volume chronicling the affairs of York
from July, 1645, to January, 1652.
120 Davies's Historical Notices of the Royal and Archiepiscopa I Mints
and Coinages of York, published 1854.
121 Antiquities of York City, p. 54, published by C. H. in 1664, and re-
published, with additions by James Torr in 1719, p. 104. All events of
importance are briefly chronicled, such as the setting up of the King's
printing-press in the same house in the previous March, less than a
week after his Majesty's arrival. Edit. 1664, p. 53 ; edit. 1719, p. 103.
Q2
220 HELEN FAEQUHAK.
the variety of the types that " its operations were con-
tinued during the whole time he held the city for the
King namely from January 1642-3 to July 1644 when
his defeat at the battle of Marston Moor placed the
Government in the hands of the parliamentarians." 122
He clearly deemed that Ending is mistaken in be-
lieving that the first consignment of plate dispatched
from Oxford was coined at York,123 and assumed that
the delay caused by the embargo laid on the ship at
Scarborough resulted in the earliest coinage being that
at Shrewsbury. This pronouncement, which revolutionizes
the whole of Mr. Hawkins's arrangement of types, is so
startling that although I am myself inclined to think
that in the absence of any record in London or York
of the early establishment we may accept Hildyard's
evidence, we must yet look at it critically. He clearly
regards Strafford's governorship of the north as unworthy
of notice, giving no details of the year 1629 beyond the
name of the Mayor, nor of 1633 saving the mention of
the King's visit, namely, that he " lay at the Mannor four
nights" in the month of May, and he may have only
recorded the removal of an old mint to more commodious
premises. Here, according to this seventeenth-century
chronicler, " His Majestie's Printers set up their Presses
in the House belonging to Sir Henry Jenkings in the
Minster Yard " on the 24th of the previous March, and
the idea presents itself that possibly the roller mills
required for coining might be moved by the same horse
power as the lever press used in printing. It is notice-
able that Sir Henry Jenkins's house, which is on the
122 Historical Notices, p. 54.
'" Buding, vol. i. p. 398, and Historical Notices, pp. 51 and 53.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 221
east of the Minster, is not the place where the coinage
was performed in the sixteenth century, neither is it
the locale chosen by the advisors of William III who
coined at the Koyal residence — the Manor — in 1696-8,
although King Charles I's mint in the Minster Yard,
which has resumed its original name as S. William's
College, still stands to the present day.124
It is, therefore, only fair to suggest that previously to
January, 1642-3, operations may have been carried on
in St. Leonard's Hospital in the premises still known as
the Mint Yard on the north-west side of the Minster,
held by Mr. Davies to be the site of the Crown mint
under Henry VIII.125 That this Mint Yard was
sequestrated after the fall of York as the property of
Sir William Saville, " a delinquent in arms," is proved
by extracts given by Mr. William Giles 126 from the
Proceedings of the Committee of the City and County of
York between the years 1645 and 1651,127 and it seems
124 Information kindly supplied by Mr. Benson, who tells me that
Jenkins' house has recently been restored as the home for the Houses
of Convocation for the Northern Province. It had upon the dis-
solution of the religious houses, passed into the hands of the Stan-
hopes, and thence into those of Jenkins. See also Pictures of Old
fork, by A. Purey Gust, p. 52.
125 Historical Notices, p. 69. Mr. Davies herein differs from an earlier
writer, Mr. Drake, who in his Eboracum, published in 1727, p. 337,
carries back the name of Mint Yard to the Episcopal mints. Francis
Drake's book is compiled from various contemporary MSS., but he does
not throw any light upon the establishment of Charles I's mint at
Jenkins's house, although he mentions the printing-press there.
126 rpkg notices referring to Mint Yard are of November 23, 1646,
May 10, 1647, and March 30, 1648, and comprise an order to deliver
sequestrated timber in the Mint Yard for public use, another for
preserving portions of the structure, and a third concerning the
reception of the rents and profits of the lands and tenements. The
Mint Yard, including the site of St. Leonard's Hospital, was sold in
1675 by George Lord Savile to the Mayor and Commoners of York, and
a portion of the building still remains.
127 Published in the Yorkshire Weekly Herald from November 30,
222 HELEN FAKQUHAR.
just possible that the old mint did in truth exist, as
tradition asserts, but being inadequate to the strain
cast upon it, it was supplemented in 1643 by the
presses in the King's printing house. Of an earlier
issue of coins than the Civil War period, the types of
many York pieces are suggestive, but this evidence is
not conclusive, because they often have no exact prototype
at the Tower, and even if they had it was more easy to
abstract and send to the North puncheons already out
of use than those likely to be required. But to whatever
date we attribute the bulk of the York dies the excellence
of their graving in most cases, and the process of
manufacture by roller mills, point to the occasional
presence and general if intermittent superintendence of
Briot over the coinage.
Some of the York coins are very fine, and certain
examples such as a half-crown in my collection (in very
high relief, but otherwise resembling Hawkins No. 497),
are suggestive of expert striking.
We are reluctant to cast away the belief that our
friend. Nicholas Briot had in truth superintended the
erection of a York Mint in 1629, or more probably, as
the coins suggest, in 1633 on his way to Scotland. But
even putting this matter aside as " non proven " we
should still think it likely that he visited Charles
during the King's occupation of the city, and granting
this premise we may then more easily follow Mr. Davies's
chronology and allow for the time taken in necessary
1912, to March 8, 1913, and concerning which the author, Mr. William
Giles, the present deputy Town Clerk, has kindly supplied me with
further information, promising also to search amongst the records for
earlier information, a quest which has, I fear, so far proved un-
availing.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 223
preparations, and defer the opening of the mint until
the time of the Queen's residence and Newcastle's
governorship. We may wonder why the artist respon-
sible for the entire coinage should have signed two dies
in particular, the one for a shilling, the other for a half-
crown [PI. XII. Fig. 1], from the latter of which the
impressions are very rare, probably for the reason that
it cracked immediately, as is shown by the flaw on the
few specimens known to me ? 128
The shilling bearing Briot's signature [PI. XII. Fig. 3]
is less rare, but by no means common. The answer to
the problem perhaps lies in the fact that these initialled
dies would establish the engraver's claim upon the King,
were proof needed of his loyalty, whilst the minute
letter would pass unnoticed unless special attention were
directed to it, and would not therefore endanger his
position at the Tower. We have seen, moreover, that
on May 30, Sir Edward Nicholas had written, informing
Briot that in view of his illness his Majesty would
dispense for the moment with his attendance on "the
requirement he had for your employment here," thus
suggesting that a substitute had been found. Neverthe-
less Briot despatched his heavier instruments and
apparently smuggled through on his person some dies
128 There is one specimen of the half-crown in the British Museum,
one was in the collection of the late Mr. Bliss, there is my own, once
the property of Mr. Lawrence, and one in the late Mr. Dudman's sale
of December, 1913. I ought to mention that some collectors (amongst
others Mr. Bliss, who kindly showed me his example) have been inclined
to read the letter as an R rather than a B, the return of the letter
being lost in the circle of the O, but on the exhibition of the coin to
the Society the majority were in favour of B, and it was so catalogued
at the Museum ; the specimen in the Dudman collection reads B more
clearly. We need, therefore, not discuss their transference to Rawlins
or Ramage, with whose workmanship they are not agreed.
224 HELEN FAKQUHAK.
and puncheons, or made them on his arrival. The
presence of a rival at York would account for the
signature, and the fact that this type — the horse with
forward mane and the tail visible between the legs,
Hks. type 7 — is usually found unsigned, denotes that
more dies were subsequently made from Briot's puncheon,
and that undergravers must have been present at York
as at the Tower.129
But the Tiame of no rival rises to our lips when we
review the possible engravers, capable of making so
good a coinage as that of York ; for even if we accept
the tradition, now mostly discredited,130 that Simon
was a Yorkshireman,' and was first trained by Briot
in that city, it seems improbable that Thomas Simon,
a Puritan, should have been on the side of Charles.131
His work from the making of an Admiralty Seal in
1636 is well known, and we have the certainty that he
was already in the Parliament's employ in July, 1643,
when he received an order to make a new great seal to
129 ^6 have already shown that the equestrian figure on these signed
half-crowns agrees with the type principally, although not invariably,
in use at the Tower from mint-mark Star to (P) on the half-crown [see
PI. XII. Fig. 2J, and throughout the later period of (P) to Sun on the
crowns. A type attributed usually to Simon commences with Sun on
these large pieces, and on the half-crowns extends to Sceptre — there-
fore beyond the date of Briot's work — his death taking place during
the period marked by the Sun.
130 See Vertue's Simon, edit. 1780, p. 60 ; see, however, Mr. Wroth's
article in Dictionary of National Biography ; Num. Chron., 1st Ser.,
Vol. IV. p. 213, and Vol. V. p. 165.
131 Simon's Seals, Medals, and Coins, by George Vertue, p. 60. It
is there suggested that Briot obtained the services of Simon when
establishing the mint at York on his way to Scotland in 1633, but
Simon, if born, as we believe, in 1623, could not have been of great use
at so early a period, and the doubt as to the foundation of the York
mint prior to the Civil War renders the question still more difficult
of solution. It is now considered more likely that Simon was of a
Guernsey family, settled first in Canterbury and then in London.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 225
replace that taken to the King at York in May, 1642,132
and we have no evidence later than a medal of 1639
of his following the fortunes of Charles.133 Were Briot's
signed coins at Oxford they might result from a rivalry
with Eawlins. Let us now turn to the University city.
At Oxford we must dismiss from our minds the precise
rounded shape so characteristic of Briot's coinage, and
yet retain in our memory the peculiar style of equestrian
portrait, which he most affected and which had appeared
on patterns in his early years, recurring on the coinages
known by his name, with mint-marks Flower and B, and
Anchor. It was in use in Scotland, it re-appeared as a
familiar type at Oxford, filtered thence to the Exeter
mint, and in the form of a very inferior imitation to
Wey mouth. Let us arrange these coins in proper
sequence.
Mr. Symonds tells us that amongst the disbursements
ending November 30, during the year 1632, there is a
charge for a dinner for the officers of the mint " when
Bryott did work, it being no mint day." 134 Also, he
informs us that Sir Thomas Aylesbury135 somewhat
later delivered to the King " fair silver moneys," viz.
three crowns and three half-crowns of Briot's moneys
and three crowns, three half-crowns, and ten shillings
132 Simon delivered this seal to Parliament on September 28, 1643.
133 The medals on the Scottish Rebellion (Med. III., vol. i. pp.
282-283, Nos. 91, 93, and 94) are signed by Simon.
134 Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. p. 366.
135 Sir Thomas Aylesbury was Master of the Mint from 1627 to 1643,
but appears to have held the post in conjunction with Sir Robert
Harley, whose first tenure of office was from November, 1626, to
August, 1635. Sir Ralph Freeman then shared the position with
Aylesbury from 1635 to May, 1643, when Harley returned, until 1649,
when differences with the Parliamentary party caused his final retire-
ment (see Mint Catalogue, vol. ii. p. 232). Aylesbury, being a Royalist,
was deprived of his place during the Civil War.
226 HELEN FARQUHAK.
of the moneyer's making, in all 55s.136 He further
explains that Briot must have " worked at his own
coinage on certain unnamed days within two stated
periods only, viz. (1) between November 30, 1631, and
the same date in 1632, when the mint-marks Eose and
Harp were successively used, and (2) between July 31,
1638, and the same date in 1639, when the Anchor and
Triangle were the current marks, the latter being in use
for about three weeks." 137
I would like to suggest further that, apart from the
special coins which we call by Briot's name, apart also
from the patterns which differ from the currency, there
are some very beautiful specimens of busts upon the
current coin, with Rose and Harp mint-marks, which,
although they have not the artist's signature, show
forth the stamp of his handiwork. We must remember
that Briot was called upon to deliver obverse designs
to be copied on the currency, and again we find
specially well-engraved pieces with these and other
mint-marks, which were no doubt made for this purpose,
but from their rarity we assume were not approved.
Amongst these possibly is a half unite (Kenyon type 3)
in the British Museum with mint-mark Eose, suggesting
the innovation of a turned-down collar in the place of
the King's ruff. Be this as it may, the varieties bearing
the mint-mark Eose are many, and I must thank Mr.
Symonds, in that he has cleared from the path many
difficulties in arranging the sequence of Briot's coins of
all kinds, and incidentally the crowns and half-crowns
to which I now purpose to call attention.
136 Num. Chron., 4th Series, Vol. XIII. p. 366. See also Walpole's
Anecdotes of Painting, vol. i. p. 256.
137 Num. Chron., as above, Vol. XIII. p. 366 ; also Vol. X. p. 393.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 227
These coins are adorned upon the obverse with an
equestrian design, which for the moment I name the
Briot horse, in that he gave it the preference on his
special milled coinage.
First, then, we must place the rare pattern crowns,
signed by the artist's initials, one of these bearing on
the obverse a crowned bust, the other bareheaded
[PI. XIII. Fig. 1] ; both have the equestrian figure on the
reverse, somewhat larger than the ultimate presentment,
but reminiscent of Van Dyck's pictures in the stately
pose of both man and beast.
Then follow the crown [PI. XIII. Fig. 2] and half-
crown with the Flower and B as mint-mark, the anemone
being, perhaps, later re-echoed in the stops on some of
the Oxford coins. The curious A's, so peculiar to Briot
and Simon, have made their appearance, although
neither these nor the diamond-shaped stops are abso-
lutely invariable. Whether upon the occasion of placing
three crowns and three half-crowns before the King,
our artist offered him the choice between the patterns
specified above and the third, afterwards circulated,
who shall say? Neither can we pause to speak of
alternative half-crowns, which are not of equestrian
type — we must follow the authorized issues.
We then pursue Briot to Scotland, and remind our
readers of the coins of 1637 (Crown on PI. XIII. Fig. 3)
with mint-mark Thistle and B, afterwards copied by
Falconer.
PI. XIV. Fig. 1 brings before us the half-crown of
the artist's special coinage with mint-mark Anchor and
B at the Tower for which in 1638-9 Mr. Symonds
has prepared us, and at this moment, strangely enough,
begins a rougher and extremely rare series of coins
228 HELEN FARQUHAR.
bearing Briot's horse, lettering, and stops, but struck
with the hammer and little better in execution
than the ordinary Tower issue of the day, being
apparently an attempt on the part of the engraver to
introduce his favourite design into popular use with the
mint-marks Anchor and Triangle. Ruding, in figuring
in his Plate F, No. 3, a somewhat curious half-crown
which I illustrate on our PI. XIV. as Fig. 2, ascribed it,
on account no doubt of its peculiar square-topped shield,
to an unknown country mint. But its mint-marks on
both sides of prostrate Anchor suggest the Tower
sequence, and we may note that my specimen of this
curious type has the recumbent Anchor altered to a Tri-
angle, both upon obverse and reverse [PL XIV. Fig. 3] ;
a second example struck from this die is in the
Museum, and a third is in Colonel Morrieson's cabinet.
This carries us on to another half-crown in my collec-
tion [PI. XIV. Fig. 4], still with the Triangle altered
from an Anchor, and in this instance again on both
sides, whilst the reverse is decorated with the ordinary
Tower shield. Colonel Morrieson also has a specimen
of the coin. The British Museum contains two examples
of Euding F. 3, and we have seen that there are at
least the same number of specimens of our Tower issue
[PI. XIV. Fig. 4], perhaps more, for one appeared in the
Murdoch sale, and neither is Colonel Morrieson nor am
I aware whether our respective coins passed through
the hands of that collector, but several pieces with
minute differences must have been struck. It would
seem as though a continuous movement had been made
by Briot to introduce his favourite design at the Tower
between 1639 and 1643, for not only are the above
suggestive of such an effort, but a curious and very rare
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 229
crown — so far as we know from a unique puncheon — so
decorated is brought before us at the Museum with the
mint-mark, Triangle-in-circle. This must have been
struck between July 15, 1641, and May 29, 1643 138
[PI. XIII. Fig. 4].
Now let us turn to Oxford, and we shall find a solitary
pound piece [PJ. XIV. Fig. 5] in the National Collection 139
struck in 1643, the year in which "the Briot horse" first
makes its appearance in the University city, supplanting
its less correctly modelled predecessor. This graceful
type did not come into regular use upon the silver
pounds nor appear at all upon the Oxford crowns, and
so far as we know this twenty -shilling piece is unique,
but the half-crown of this obverse design is so common
that the animal is usually known as the " Oxford horse,"
and holds sway throughout the years 1643, 1644,
1645, and 1646 [PI. XV. Figs. 1, 2, 3, and 4]. The
changes in dies with small differences in the stops prove
how large was the issue of these coins, and the puncheons,
attributable to Briot's design, show in many instances
increasing signs of wear. How often these were renewed,
how often fresh dies were engraved with the co-operation
of inferior workmen, it is hard to say, for sometimes,
although not often, we find a better specimen in the
later than in the earlier years, proving that new
puncheons must have been made. In all cases the
striking is extremely faulty, and it is difficult to dis-
cover pieces sufficiently well struck for observation of
such minutiae. I hope I am not unduly pressing my
138 See Mr. Symonds' table of Mint-marks in Num. Chron., 4th Ser.,
Vol. X. p. 393. So far as I am aware no crowns bearing this mint-
mark have been seen in other types.
139 Prom the Montagu Collection, lot 493.
230 HELEN FAKQUHAR.
point in suggesting that Briot probably selected in
London his own puncheons, they not being in demand,
or perhaps engraved such on purpose, and sent or took
them and some specimen dies to Oxford. It will be
admitted that these equestrian portraits with their direct
descent from his early patterns are more reminiscent
than any other Oxford coins of the French engraver's
handiwork. But I am bound to confess that one obstacle
presents itself in the fact that this type reappeared
almost exactly in three forms at Exeter 14° : undated with
two differing reverses [PI. XV. Figs. 6 and 7], and dated
[PI. XV. Fig. 5] the numerals 1644 being visible in the
legend. We have no documentary evidence of Briot's
presence at that place, but a possible explanation may
be found in the Queen's movements. She joined her
husband at Oxford in July, 1643, and remained in the
University city from the 13th of that month until
April 2, 1644, residing at Merton College. From thence
she made her way to Exeter, £2500 being provided for
the purpose of her journey by Bushell. Is it not
possible that part of this money consisted of half-crowns
with the Briot horse, and in compliment to her the
Exeter mint produced a fairly faithful copy of the obverse
design ? There were many varieties of coins struck at
Exeter, some being of excellent workmanship, but I
am not prepared to suggest that Briot visited the place,
neither know we who produced the superior pieces. But
if we prefer to assign the undated specimens with " the
Briot horse" to the earliest probable date, i.e. 1643,141
horse is slightly more bushy, otherwise the copy is
fairly exact.
111 Exeter was at first in the hands of the Parliament, but sur-
rendered to Prince Maurice in September, 1643. Unless it was struck
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 231
may we not believe that Charles I in issuing to "Sir
Richard Vyvyan Knt " an authority to open mints
within the counties of Devon and Cornwall, "and to
make and engrave irons and stamps with his Majesty's
effigies," may have sent him certain puncheons and dies
as patterns ? 142
Our list is not quite finished, and those who disagree
with the line of argument I have tentatively advanced
may say : What of those curious Weymouth coins with
various reverses [PI. XII. Fig. 5] sometimes confounded
with the Exeter issues in that for mint-mark they bear
a small rosette, whilst the type of the shields proclaims
their Weymouth origin ? My answer is that so poor a
copy bespeaks a very inferior workman, endeavouring to
reproduce the Oxford-Exeter horse, and that in describ-
ing an example of this rare coin now in my collection
the cataloguer wrote : " This coin has been ascribed to
Exeter : specimens struck from the same obverse die
and with an unmistakable Exeter reverse are said to
exist." 143
We need, therefore, carry the Briot horse no further
afield than Exeter in the year 1644, whilst it remained
for the Parliamentarians or as a complimentary medal with no reference
to Exeter, the so-called half-crown bearing date 1642 is an unexplained
problem. The man who engraved this free copy of Simon's Scottish
rebellion medals (Med. III., vol. i. pp. 282-283, Nos. 90-94) was no mean
artist. The same type recurs in 1644, at which time the town was held
by the Royalists. We cannot, therefore, easily transfer the type to the
side of the Parliament. Folkes placed it amongst the coins struck at
York, but Hawkins discountenanced this attribution on account of the
Rose mint-mark. If, moreover, a specimen really exists dated 1645,
the same difficulty would reappear, for York fell in 1644. Exeter
finally capitulated to Fairfax on April 9, 1646.
142 Document in the Bodleian Library, quoted by Mr. Symonds in
Num. Chron., 4th Ser., Vol. XIII. p. 370. This warrant is dated
January 3, 1643-4.
143 Catalogue of the Hamilton Smith Sale, No. 125, June 21, 1913.
232 HELEN FARQUHAR.
in use at Oxford until such time as the city surrendered
on June 20, 1646— fully six months before the death of
Briot. The King had left for the north on April 27 ; the
engraver's sphere of usefulness was closed.
And now to sum up chronologically the whole matter,
stripped of the somewhat clumsy evidence.
In 1625 Briot comes to England.
In 1626 he begins to work for Charles.
In 1628 Briot receives a grant of £250 yearly from
the King to engrave the obverse pattern dies of all his
coins.
In 1633 Briot obtains the appointment at the Tower
of " one of the gravers " at £50 per annum.
On May 1, 1642, Briot communicates from the Tower
with Charles who is at York, deprecating a suggested
debasement of coin.
On May 6 Briot is commanded by the King to attend
him at York.
On the 22nd of May the King's great seal is taken to
York, but is not replaced in London until July 19, 1643,
when Simon is ordered to engrave a copy — the new seal
is completed on September 28, 1643. This suggests the
absence of Briot from London in the middle of 1643.
On May 26 Briot is in London giving evidence on
mint matters before Parliament.
On May 30 Nicholas, the Secretary of State, begs
Briot not to hurry to York, having heard that he is
ill, but has received a letter dated the 25th from Park-
hurst notifying Briot's intended departure.
On June 21 Nicholas writes to desire the engraver's
immediate presence bringing dies and puncheons to York.
On June 30 a further communication concerning
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 233
financial arrangements for the journey is made by
Nicholas.
On July 7 Ramage is paid at the Tower for supplying
minting materials for York and Shrewsbury.
On July 12 Parliament orders the highways round
Oxford to be watched, the King having commanded the
University to send treasure to York.
On July 15 the ship containing mint materials is
stopped at Scarborough.
On July 23 the Commons commend this detention
and command Briot to appear before the House.
On August 20 his private possessions are returned,
but not such as belong to minting.
On October 5 the Commons prohibit "any Officer,
Workman or Instrument, belonging to the Mint or
coining or graving to quit their charge." It is likely
that it was during the absence of Briot after and not
before this event that his wife and children were turned
out of his house in the Tower, inasmuch as such absence
before would not have been illegal.
On January 3, 1642-3, the Oxford mint is opened by the
help of apparatus brought from Shrewsbury by Bushell,
who had taken his men and tools thither from Aberyst-
with. The King in the following June, in a letter of
thanks to Bushell says that his help was given " when
all the Officers in the Mint of or Tower of London for-
sooke their attendance except Sir William Parkhurst " :
this probably refers to the opening of the Shrewsbury
mint, for Briot attended the King both at York and
Oxford.
" About the latter end of January 164|," it is recorded
that " the King's Mint began to coin in Sir Henry
Jenkins' house in the Minster Yard " at York.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. R
234 HELEN FARQUHAR.
Before the end of the year 1642, according to old
style, ergo, before March 25, 1643, Eawlins makes
badges for the King, and the new large horse is
seen on a £1 piece (Hks. type 4).
A warrant for making a badge is dated Oxford,
May 18, 1643, and another under date June 1, 1643,
speaks of Eawlins as " our Graver of Seals, Stamps and
Medals."
On July 13, 1643, the King and Queen met at Kineton,
and Eawlins commemorates this event medallically.
Both Briot and Eawlins make medals commemorative
of the King's manifesto on the desirability of Peace
after the taking of Bristol on July 27, 1643.
In the middle of the year 1643 the character of the
equestrian coinage at Oxford changes.
Bushell departs for Bristol where he has opened a
mint in the Castle, taking with him, as we should judge
from the style of the coinage, some engraver, name
unknown, who clearly had been responsible for the
badly drawn horse, which preceded Briot's equestrian
portrait.
In 1643 the style of Oxford portraiture improves, and
Eawlins should, I think, be given the honour of the new
gold pieces and equestrian figure on the silver pounds, of
which the puncheon has been already used in 1642 and
continues in use in 1643 and 1644.
On April 20 to 22 n.s. in the year 1644, M. Maze-
rolle notes Briot's presence in Paris.
The exact date of Bushell's departure for Bristol from
Oxford is not known, but he was still at Bristol on
May 17, 1644, and the fact that he clothed the soldiers
arriving from Ireland suggests that he was already at
Bristol in January, 1643-4.
NICHOLAS BRIOT AND THE CIVIL WAR. 235
In 1644 we have Rawlins' signed coins continuing to
1646, the date of the fall of Oxford.
In April, 1645, the King gives Rawlins a warrant of
"chief graver in the Tower of London and elswhere
in England and Wales," the last holder of this office,
by the King's appointment, Edward Greene, having
died at the end of the year 1644. This grant to
Kawlins is almost contemporary with the parliamentary
appointment of Simon and Wade, the place having, it
seems, been held for a short time by Nicholas de Burgh.
The King left Oxford on April 27, 1646, but the city
held out until June 24. Six months later Briot died in
London, in the Parish of St. Martins-in-the-Fields, in
December, 1646, in receipt of the Warden's pay at the
Tower of £50 a year, the arrears of which had been
allowed to him.
After his death his widow appealed to the Lord
Protector and to King Charles II for the far larger
arrears due from the King, and produced evidence, when
putting forth her petition after the Restoration, that her
husband had loyally tried to assist Charles I at great
danger to his person, for " even in the worse of times,
as long as he lived, he from time to time did goe to
York and Oxford at his Matys command."
I leave it to my readers' indulgence to decide whether
this was a true claim and whether the loyalty of Briot is
vindicated.
HELEN FARQUHAR.
R 2
X.
INDEX OF ETHNICS APPEAEING ON
GEEEK COINS.
THE list of Ethnics in the genitive case arranged by
terminals in Boutkowski's Petit Mionnet de Poche has
proved of great practical value to collectors, but it is
forty years since it was first published and there are
many gaps to be filled.
The following Index, compiled chiefly from the
Historia Numorum (2nd edition), is based on Bout-
kowski's list, but differs from it not only in length but
in one important detail of arrangement : the order of
the terminals is strictly alphabetical and consequently
the arrangement by districts has been abandoned ; the
name of the district is, however, given with each town.
The last three letters of the genitive have throughout
been regarded as the terminal, but this terminal may
comprise several subordinates: thus — BEQN, — rEnisl,
— AEQN, — GEflN, — AlEDN, &c., will be found as sub-
divisions under the terminal — EQN. The arrangement
is alphabetical, beginning with the first letter before the
terminal, i.e. the fourth letter from the end, and work-
ing backwards to the beginning of the word. The last
decisive letter, which determines the alphabetical posi-
tion of the name, and those following it are printed in
ETHNICS ON GREEK COINS.
237
capitals, the letters which precede the decisive letter in
small type x : e.g.
TepAZON
ni,uojAl „
EMI „
Of the class of adjectival terminations in —ON on early
coins, only those are included of which it is impossible
to say with certainty whether they are masculine geni-
tives plural or neuter nominatives singular. Thus
Mtaatviov is included but 2f/>jui*X«icoi/ excluded. In all
such cases — MV has been substituted for — ov. The
alternative spelling — SITMV for — ITWV, so common on
later coins, has been disregarded in the alphabetical
arrangement, e.g. <&£\XtiT&v appears as 4>fXX«rwi/. Titles
of cities, such as Kataa/ot n>v, have been inserted in cases
where they may be mistaken for the ethnic, and in such
cases the name of the city as well as of the district is
given in the second column.
This list is confined to genitives plural. The other
categories included by Boutkowski in his list are held
over for another occasion.
E. S. Gr. KOBINSON.
OwAAAN Acarnania
in A NAT AN Sicily
Teufll ,, Arcadia
FTtTAN ,, Samnium
H5QNAN Macedonia
A<7iP „ Achaea
TeFEATAN Arcadia
KoAAto-T ,, Arcadia
AAE
M
AiAuBAITAN Sicily
EAE
Epirus
KePA ,
Crete, Pisidia
AIE
Arcadia
KoAAciroA ,
Caria
HoffelAQNI
Lucania
0EPM ,
Sicily
KYAONI
Crete
TlavOPM ,
„
AiroAAQNI
Illyricum ASpAN ,
,,
KaYAQNI
Bruttium Toi/po^uEN ,
,,
Kpc/mNI
TaMN ,
Aeolis
Aoull
Arcadia Pt£ON ,
Illyricum
Except of course the initial letter.
238
E. S. G. ROBINSON.
2oYNITAN
Samnium
OABEQN
Cilicia
Tw/5AP ,,
Sicily
Ai/afcP ,,
EverirEP „
Cyrenaica
KacSY . „
Lycia
Ato-Z „
Illyricum
26ATEQN
Pisidia
HpoKAEOTAN
Bithynia
AP „
Acarnania
M{fp«KI „
Epirus
AAAAEON
Pisidia
2«KfAl „
Sicily
AuZIA ,','
Phrygia
AAAoPI ,,
Crete
A/t/SAA ,,
Pisidia
Map A ,,
Cilicia (Mallus)
2WNA
Phrygia
AireiP ,,
Epirus
Ai/AH ''
Pisidia
4>epAIOYN
Thessaly
Ni/coMH „
Bithynia
Kpcwj/ouNI ,,
„
Nofl „
Cilicia
rOyU<p(T ,,
,,
XaAKI „
Euboea, Mace
AAQN
Laconia
don, Syria
AIN „
Macedonia
AiroAAa>NI ,,
Lydia
KoAflN „
Troad
AAoBAN „
Caria
TePON „
Macedonia
ApuKAN „
Lycia
OiT „
Thessaly
2iAAN „
Lydia
MTjSABON
Arabia
OicOAN ,,
Lycia
EucrE ,,
Cilicia (Zephy-
AaPAN „
Lycaonia
rium)
AaAiZAN „
Ileppal ,,
Thessaly
AAIN „
Caria
Te/CTOo-AfQN
Galatia (Ancyra)
IZIN „
Pisidia
Ap/cAAQN
Crete
B\
OupaNI ,,
Macedonia
M|AAYN „
Phrygia
mzi „
Pisidia (Sagalas-
2<3tSOYN „
,,
sus)
MafY „
Pamphylia
2iN „
Bosporus
KAcwNOY „
Lydia
2eP ,,
Thrace
ArTOY „
Phrygia
AY „
Lydia (Mostene)
KwaieEQN
Arcadia
A.TAEQN
Aeolis
ChaN „
Locris
MjA „
Phrygia
A.fAIEQN
Aeolis
Karl „
,,
IffTl
Euboea
Ne.K „
Lydia (Cilbiani
NIK „
Bithynia
Inf.)
4-olNIK „
Epirus
*wK „
Ionia
AeYK „
Ionia
AK/cIA ,,
Phrygia
*OK „
„
AopYA „
n
Ao-Ti/TroA ,,
Caria
n-roAeM „
Ionia (Lebedus),
FlroAeM „
Phoenicia
Phoenicia
HeA^N „
Thessaly
TleAij/N „
Thessaly
A»n „
Arcadia
HP „
Arcadia
HP „
,,
HelP „
Pontus
NuZ „
Samaria
BoYP „
Achaea
KpHT „
Crete
AaplZ „
Thessaly
M«AlT „
Thessaly
NYZ „
Lydia
AjriEQN
Achaia
HpOYZ ,,
Bithynia
KAa</AlEQN
Syria (Leucas)
ETHNICS ON GREEK COINS.
239
ITo/m-HIEON
Decapolis (Ga- AAOAIKEQN
Phrygia, Syria,
dara)
Coele Syria
MAAIEQN
Thessaly
KAauSiOAAOAl „
Lycaonia
AupH ,,
Ionia (Neapolis)
EupYAl „
Ionia (Smyrna)
1
Troad
Tep/xANl „
Commagene,
O/coK „
Phrygia
Phoenicia
0/j.O „
Thessaly
(Ptolemais)
M60Y „
n
Qeffffa AONI „
Macedonia
IOY „
Lydia, Phrygia,
2rpoTON[E]l „
Caria, Lydia
Syria (Lao-
ZEAEY „
Lydia (Tralles),
dicea)
Pisidia, Cilicia,
Kan-n-n „
Decapolis
Syria, Mesopo-
AAMIEQN
Thessaly
tamia
KePA „
Garia
KAauSiOZEAEY „
Pisidia
Auo-INIEQN
Pisidia
*a „
Phocis
EIKO „
Lycaonia
AAEON
Thessaly.Arcadia
KAauAEIKO
„
TABA „
Syria
0PO „
Locris
TABA „
Lydia
Bi0Y „
Bithynia
KoZTABA „
Cilicia
KoAQ
Messenia
*I[P]A „
Arcadia
E«na „
Bnittium
TPfA „
Phrygia
Eu/SOIEON
Euboea (Eretria)
EFIA „
Cyclades
0<F<rniEnN
Boeotia
A7XIA „
Thrace
IKAPIEQN
Ionia
ArTA „
Pamphylia
Me0uA „
Arcadia
na>r „
Pisidia
TIBE „
Pisidia (Pappa),
*urE „
Ionia
Galilee
ZaIE „
Thraco - Mace -
CAauSiOTlBE ,.
Galilee
donian
KIE „
Thessaly
*«A.o/*H „
Phrygia
AyaK-rO ,,
Acarnania
KopuSAA „
Lycia
EpET „
Euboea
IDA „
Mysia
Arj^HT „
Thessaly, Coele
AIO „
Aeolis
Syria, Assyria
NaKO „
Phrygia
AjtaZT „
Paphlagonia
20 „
Cilicia
Ave/ioY ,,
Cilicia
KoSpoY „
Pisidia
AQ „
Phrygia (Syn-
AirAMEQN
Phrygia, Bithy-
nada)
nia, Syria
IIAAPAZIEQN
Caria
AoKI „
Phrygia
Del PA „
Thessaly
TAAaPI „
Caria
A</>po8[e]l ,,
Caria
EupQ „
,,
IIpiaN „
Crete
AAANEQN
Cilicia
KuirapiZ ,,
Messenia
ASplA „
Mysia
nPOY „
Bithynia
BAAA „
Syria
ATOY „
Assyria
ReAAA „
Achaea
op0a „
Caria, Phoenicia
KoMA „
Pontus
KpHTIEQN
Bithynia
KoNA „
Pisidia
H(f<a(Z ,,
Thrace
mTA „
Mysia
*arAKEnN
Pontus
TYA „
Cappadocia
240
E. S. G. ROBINSON.
PA<t>ANEON
Syria OpOoyOPEnN
Macedon
E7T|CJ)A ,,
EuME „
Syria, Cilicia
Phrygia
EK/rAP
OYP
"
Thessaly (?)
Acarnania
4>E »
Arcadia
HAT
Achaea
nplH „
Ionia
SooYAT
,,
Lycaonia
FUAAH „
Achaea
KvBIZT
,,
Cappadocia
Mai/rl ,,
Arcadia
IAIZT
,,
Lycaonia
Kp^M ,,
Pisidia
ETnSAY
,,
Argolid
TTpoffrAN ,,
„
THMENO9Y
,,
Phrygia
ErEN „
,,
TplMENOGY
,,
M
TON „
Thessaly
Aj/TiKY
..
Phocis
Ai/TifO ,,
Arcadia (Man-
MY
„
Lycia
tinea)
AIMY
,,
()
HAD „
Macedonia
B«A£OY
ApvZO „
Caria
KoABAZEQN
Pisidia
Ep/xlO „
Argolid
IA
, t
Caria
A/cMO ,,
Phrygia
AAAA
Cilicia
KAPY „
Achaea
MYAA
,,
Caria
0<J>PY „
Troad
AMA
Pontus
BouBO „
Lycia
nAAPA
Caria
QefjuI-Q. „
Phrygia
NaKPA
,,
Lydia
ApAZEHN
Lycia
Tv^vH
,,
Caria
eiZOEON
Arcadia
TAI
, ,
r>
KepeTAHEON
Phrygia
KopOTrEI
,,
Cilicia
ropfin „
Bosporus
TaP
,,
A7Pin „
,,
KoABAZ
,,
Pisidia
EYin „
Caria
ApEAZ
,,
,,
Eu/caP ,,
Phrygia
ApIAZ
,,
n
Su/n „
Paphlagonia
SafAAAZ
,,
,,
MEfAPEON
Megarid
AAAAZ
Cilicia
TaPTA „
Mysia
[MINAZ
,,
Pisidia]
TaAA „
Decapolis
AAj«raPNAZ
,,
Caria
n(NA „
Lycia
KoAu)8PAZ
,,
Cilicia
KAIZA „
Bithynia, Cilicia
TirYAZ
,,
Pisidia
(Anazarbus),
ESEZ
,,
Macedon
Bosporus
TeA[E]MHZ
,,
Lycia
NEOKAIZA „
Pontus, Lydia
TePMHZ
,,
Lycia, Pisidia
(Philadelphia)
npu^NHZ
)>
Phrygia
AlOKAIZA „
Phrygia, Cilicia
KiSYHZ
,,
,,
lePOKAIZA „
Lydia
A/cAAIZ
)>
Lycia
DoTA „
Lycia
HeSi/HAIZ
!>
Pisidia
2uEA „
Cilicia
KoponiZ
,,
Cilicia
*oAeKANA „
Cyclades
Aju4>IZ
,,
Locris
AAeZANA ,,
Troad, Cilicia
P£l
,,
Syria
Ai/TANA „
Troad
EAATEQN
Thessaly, Phocis
0H „
Cyclades
ZeuyMA
,,
Gommagene
AXt^EI ,,
Arcadia
BaPA
,,
Lycaonia
KaMI „
Caria
2a/ioZA
,,
Commagene
ETHNICS ON GKEEK COINS.
241
ATroAAcoj/IHTEnN
Thrace
AIKAIQN
Macedon, Thrace
TeAH „
Lucania
TpiKK
,,
Thessaly
Eiri/cTH „
Phrygia
BaPK
,,
Cyrenaica
IlapAAl „
Lycaonia
Aaj/KA
,,
Sicily
A/^inOAl „
Macedon
n«AA
,,
Macedon, Deca-
NEOnOAl „
Campania, Mace-
polis
don
NQA
,,
Campania
>A£lOnOAI ,,
Sarmatia (01-
2AM
,,
Cephallenia
bia)
MeAM
,,
Bruttii
MapwNI ,,
Thrace
MeZM
,,
„
A£57?PI ,,
,,
AYM
,,
Achaea
IlaAAaN ,,
Arcadia
KYM
,,
Campania, Aeolis
2iAAYEQN
Pamphylia
OiZYM
,,
Thrace
Kact> „
Arcadia
PQM
,,
Pisidia (Sagalas-
*iAa8eA(l)EQN
Cilicia, Decapo-
sus), Cilicia
lis, Lydia
(Anazarbus)
roM<J> „
Thessaly
AoyFAN
,,
Sicily
2»caP „
Locris
M60AN
,,
Argolis
Ai/o-iyuAXEnN
Thracian Cher-
KPAN
,,
Cephallenia
sonnese
KYPAN
»>
Cyrenaica
AvriO „
Troad (Cebren),
KATAN
Sicily
Caria, Pisidia,
nlTAN
n
Mysia
Cilicia, Com-
IIuAN
M
Macedon
magene, Phoe-
A0EN
)!
Thrace (Imbros)
nicia (Ptole-
EnpuMEN
Thessaly
mais), Syria,
A0HN
Attica
Mesopotamia
MurjAHN
M
Lesbos
(Edessa and
MwpEIN
(,
Aeolis
Nisibis)
OIN
)>
Ionia (Icaria)
TAQEQN
Lycia
Ka/xAPIN
M
Sicily
mrANHflN
Mysia
TEPIN
Bruttium
FuPN „
Aeolis
AfYPIN
-
Sicily
2e£a(rT ,,
Thessaly (Koiv6v)
MYPIN
)l
Aeolis
©TjBAIQN
Boeotia,Thessaly
AZIN
Messenia
nAF „
Megarid
a\
Lesbos
AIT „
Achaea
il) V
"
nePF „
Pamphylia
*aAANN
))
Thessaly
MeNA „
Macedon
[H]ENN
,,
Sicily
MQA „
Crete
HeAlNN
,,
Thessaly
AiFE „
Cilicia
Na/cON
,,
Sicily
EuPE „
Thessaly
EAeuflEPN
,,
Crete
rAZ „
Judaea
Z\ YpN
Ionia
AAYZ „
Acarnania
2/^
)J
Kap0 „
Cyclades
T*ZN
„
Aeolis
KAauAl „
Syria (Leucas)
A«TN
»I
Sicily
B«pOI „
Macedon, Cyr-
IXN
,,
Macedon
rhestica
KAEQN
»
Argolid
BorTI „
Macedon
Mo©QN
,,
Messenia
242
E. S. G. ROBINSON.
SKIQNAIDN
Macedon
AlNAiaN
Caria
NaKQN „
Sicily
MYN „
M
KoPHN „
Messenia
PO „
|f
®icrO „
Arcadia
ApFEiaN
Acarnania, Ar-
Aann ,,
Crete
golid
Kan „
Boeotia
OpO\ „
Thessaly
Kao-zan „
Epirus
K ,,
Cyclades
AiflAP „
Sicily
FAA „
Peloponnesus
ATI-TAP „
Crete
HA „
f>
TavaFP „
Boeotia
H»;paKA
Lucania
2<AEP ,,
Sicily
KiEP "
Thessaly
IMEP „
,,
0uPP „
Acarnania
ATrTEP „
Crete
PojT „
Troad
<t>EP „
Thessaly
MoT „
Thessaly
©HP „
Sicily ?, Cyclades
HTjpa/cAHinN
Lucania
EpuQP „
Ionia
T „
Ionia
AIP „
„
S/ciAGIflN
Thessaly
HEIP „
Pontus (Amisus)
ITeTrapH ,,
AKP „
Sicily
AKAN „
Macedon
Kop/cYP „
Epirus
ZAN „
Lycia
AoplZ „
Thessaly
HEPIN „
Thrace
E5EZZ „
Macedon
KOPIN „
Peloponnese
2/coroYZZ „
,,
ZaKYN „
M
KoroYZ „
,,
T/PYN „
Argolid
TV AT „
Thessaly
IKiaN
Thessaly
AHT „
Macedon
npi „
Illyricum
MeAIT „
Africa
OppEZ ,,
Macedon
OIT „
Thessaly
nppHZ „
|f
E7*ZT „
Sicily
PAY „
Crete
<t>YT „
Thrace
AY „
Lycia
A4>YT „
Macedon
MAAiaN
Cyclades
MorY ,,
Sicily
4*ap^A , ,
Thessaly
AX „
Achaea
2TUitCj>A jy
Arcadia
Ao\IX ,,
Commagene
ByB „
Phoenicia
*AABiaN
Phrygia(Philad.,
AH „
Gyclades
Grimenoth.)
MH „
,,
AeZ „
Lesbos
Tpal „
Macedon
ApnaN
Acarnania
nY „
Messenia
Ar/>A ,,
Thessaly
Ki^tfi ,,
Cyclades
AeuKAAiaN
Acarnania, Coele
SAMiaN
Ionia, Samo-
Syria
thrace
APA „
Phoenicia
I5Y „
Caria
AeBE „
Ionia
AopAANiaN
Troad
TeNE „
Troad
Me0A „
Argolid
Vucj>E\ „
Arcadia
Me<rZA „
Sicily, Messenia
KNI „
Caria
IT A „
Crete
¥a>4>l ,,
Arcadia
KXaZOME „
Ionia
Ao-irEN „
Pamphylia
EPXOME „
Arcadia
ETHNICS ON GREEK COINS.
243
OPXOMENIQN
Arcadia
0AZIQN
Thrace
MetrZE „
SicUy
*A.€lA „
Phliasia
TpotZH „
Argolid
XepffoNA ,,
Crete
HtpirEPH „
Mysia
EA«r<t>A „
Arcadia
DoAYPH „
Crete
EPE „
Lesbos
Meo-ZH „
Sicily, Messenia
E4>E „
Ionia
TH „
Cycledes
KopoKH „
Cilicia
KvQ „
,,
M[e]«AH „
Ionia
Al „
Thrace
PTjffAINH „
Mesopotamia
TpraKI „
Crete
ANINH „
Lydia
KaAuM „
Caria
AAonrfKoNNH ,,
Thracian Cher-
4>opKAAO „
Thessaly
sonnese
KoAXAAO „
Bithynia
HpAl „
Crete
Mi>KO ,,
Cyclades
Al „
,,
AaKeSaiMO ,,
Laconia
TYAI „
n
IlpweP ,,
Thessaly
NaK „
Sicily
IfpttTrvT ,,
Crete
IIpiaN ,,
Crete
KpavvOY ?,
Thessaly
2upa/cO ,,
Sicily
TOPTY „
Crete
AZ „
Troad
KOPTY „
Arcadia (Gortys)
I/aAY
Rhodes
2i<t> ,,
Cyclades
W
2.AQ „
Phoenicia
P.ZOY „
Thessaly
KpavNQ „
Thessaly
Kpi0OY „
Thracian Cher-
FupTQ
sonnese
2</cYQ
Sicyonia
EAalOY „
Cilicia, Thracian
KoAo<t>n
Ionia
Chersonnese
[FJAZIQN
Crete
A^MOY „
Mesopotamia
NA „
Cyclades, Sicily
2eA.iNOY „
Cilicia
A.ucpA „
Macedon
eeAflOY „
Arcadia
OAoiY
KvQ „
Crete
npnninN
Attica
AATIQN
„
AZQ „
Laconia
neuMA „
Thessaly
FlAPinN
Cyclades
2rPA „
Acarnania
rYA „
2u)3pl ,,
Crete
<1>A „
Illyricum
BuCAN „
Thrace
I^B
Thrace
OAON „
Crete
ANA „
Cyclades
2eA«NON „
Sicily
ArTANA „
Troad
onoN „
Locris
Ku0H „
Laconia
TpaireZOYN „
Pontus
KAelTO „
Arcadia
n«<r(rjNOYN „
Galatia
A^aKTO „
Acarnania
KepaZOYN „
Pontus
(?) NlK7J<J)O „
Mesopotamia
2HZ „
Thracian Cher-
Kufl „
Cyprus
sonnese
BAY „
Crete
*alZ „
Crete
0OY „
Lucania
KopYZ „
Euboea
ZY „
Cyclades
BpET „
Bruttium
NIZY „
Caria
AYT „
Crete
TY „
Phoenicia
BipY „
Troad
244
E. S. G. ROBINSON.
TAYIQN
Galatia OuAniANflN
Thrace (Anchi-
*AaO „
Phrygia (Phila-
alus)
delphia, Grime-
Anni „
Phrygia
nothyrae)
ITAPI „
Mysia
2epelcJ>inN
Cyclades
BPI „
Phrygia
XIQN
Ionia
Me{°aMBPI „
Thrace
"5i<v M' 1 0 M
rrtrno/;1
V^"
\H
XlUciU
AAPI „
Mysia
TeAniQN
Sicily
2«ouHPI „
Bithynia (Cius
K „
Caria
and Claudi-
I©AKQN
Peloponnese
opolis), Cilicia
©PA „
Pisidia (Apol-
(Adana)
lonia)
A/uOPI „
Ionia (Neapolis),
2a;uO0PA ,,
Thrace
Phrygia
T\cu>\ „
Gallia
A^uAZTPI ,,
Paphlagonia
nereAAQN
Thessaly
KaYZTPI „
Lydia
0e<rZA ,,
„
Tl „
Bithynia
nepnrO „
Samnium
KaAAATI „
Moesia
na^Y „
Pamphylia (Side)
TAOYI „
Galatia
Ann „
Aetolia
*juAOYI „
Phrygia
A5eA«p«£j/AHMQN
Seleucis
TfpK „
Lydia
TpoK „
Galatia
A0AM „
Epirus
OpAANQN
Italy
KOM „
Pontus
MoZE „
Phrygia (Dioclea
A/coPN „
Acarnania
and Siocharax)
KoMn „
Campania
AioKAE „
Phrygia
APR „
Apulia
MuPAE „
Bithynia
vn „
Elis
MoZE „
Phrygia (Dioclea
AyKYP „
Phrygia, Galatia
and Siocharax)
TYP „
Sarmatia
KiABI „
Lydia
AvyovtrT ,,
Cilicia
OusPBI „
Pisidia
TwTENQN
Macedon
AaAAl ,,
Lydia
ASpAHNQN
Arabia
Ko/iOAt „
Cilicia (Aegeae
TAB „
Trachonitis
and Tarsus)
TAB „
Caria
KAPAI „
Thracian Cher-
AafB „
Pisidia
sonnese
Po^aGMnB „
Arabia
ZAPAI „
Lydia
XopaXMOB „
„
IIo/«rHI ,,
Cilicia
BAP „
Lydia
Kl „
Bithynia
Ko^MAF „
Commagene
AEKI „
Cilicia (Mopsus)
ToPA „
Lydia
AYK1 „
Lucania
ABYA „
Troad
2«BAI ,,
Phrygia
DaAoJojSEYA „
Phrygia
TpaAAl „
Lydia
Ttra/cAZ ,,
Lydia
Ma£iMI „
Cilicia (Adana)
EpIZ „
Phrygia
AIM „
Thessaly
BpoYZ „
,,
Ma£(MEIM „
Cilicia (Adana)
KaNA© „
Decapolis
AJ/TO.NEIM „
„ (Mopsus)
MaPA© „
Phoenicia
Ma/cPEINI „
,, (Adana)
Bio-aN© „
Thrace
ETHNICS ON GREEK COINS.
245
AEIHNQN
Decapolis
BoTPYHNON
Phoenicia
AAI „
Phrygia
AAINQN
Lucania
l<rrP\ „
Moesia
MeNA „
Sicily
Aa/uYAK „
Mysia
p>?r „
Bruttium
KvCIK „
»»
2«oAPE „
Illyricum
AauoZK ,,
Coele Syria
HeTPE „
Sicily
MAA „
Pisidia
Pu)8a«rTE „
Apulia
ZAA „
Lydia
n«AK „
Sicily
A0IA „
Decapolis
EpYK „
,,
Ka0YA „
Thrace
RerHA „
Bruttium
nepl~AM „
Mysia
KalA „
Apulia
KAM „
„
Ei/reAA „
Sicily
K.SPAM „
Garia
A/3a/ca;N „
,,
r«PM „
Lydia
SaXAn „
Apulia
IToi/uaN ,,
Mysia
K(vrop\r\ ,,
Sicily
KaAO ,,
Phrygia
2oAn „
Apulia
OrPO „
>>
nopnn „
Sicily
IIpiAn „
Mysia
BAP „
Apulia
Tirol n „
Lydia
AAP „
Frentani
OAoMfl ,,
Lycia
TAAAP „
Sicily
nAnn „
Pisidia
2/coAP „
Illyricum
inn „
Decapolis
NouKP „
Bruttium
BAP „
Pisidia
AAalZ „
Sicily
ToMAP „
Lydia
Ep/3i?ZZ „
,,
Ile/mEP „
Mysia
KavYZ „
Apulia
©iwrelP „
Lydia
TplAT „
,,
SreKTOP „
Phrygia
A/urjo-rPAT „
Sicily
KaPP „
Mesopotamia
ACET „
Apulia
KEZTP „
Cilicia
lalT „
Sicily
BOZTP „
Arabia
KaAaKT „
,,
2«nf>flP „
Galilee
AKpAfANT „
,,
BapfAZ „
Caria
MoPfANT „
,,
ApnAZ „
,,
TaPANT „
Calahria
EMIZ „
Syria
OpZANT „
,,
E5EZZ „
Mesopotamia
AEONT „
Sicily
KoAOZZ „
Phrygia
AAONT „
,,
Kaj/AT „
Decapolis
2OAONT „
,,
nAAT „
Syria
MeranONT „
Lucania
nEAT „
Phrygia
BuTONT „
Apulia
2ej8AZT „
Pontus, Cilicia,
Ma/iePT „
Sicily
Phrygia, Sa-
Aa/xAZT ,,
Illyricum
maria
Tei/EZT ,,
»
MOZT „
Lydia
npa-NNQN
Cephallenia
2<«TT „
„
AuKAONDN
Lycaonia
A5pa/*YT
Mysia
nA „
Paeonia
B.ZY „
Thrace Ma/ceA ,,
Macedon 2
• See also under Beroea Mac.
246
E. S. G. ROBINSON.
- MetZONON
Pisidia (Termes- KE[N]NATnN
Cilicia
sus)
TpeBENN „'
Lycia
MAI „
Lydia
SapNO „
Illyricum
nAi „
Paeonia
KijSYP „
Phrygia, Cilicia
Bu\AI „
Illyricum
Ai7«IP ,,
Achaea
AyU^)t/cTI ,,
Phocis
KAZ „
Cilicia
[EjinNftN
Thrace (Perin-
Apra|IZ ,,
Armenia
thus), Phrygia
ATTAETHN
Mysia
(Synnada)
E© „
Thessaly ?
**\innQN
Macedon
SlAHTaN
Pamphylia
TOUA.APON
Pontus
PDA „
Hispania
rai/r „
Paphlagonia
A»/E „
Macedon
Ko/SH „
Pontus
1 „
Cyclades
AoK „
Locris, Bruttium
Kl „
Cilicia (Anemu-
Boo-T ,,
Arabia
rium, Philadel-
I<rAY „
Isauria
phia, Coropiss.)
ra£OY „
Pontus
Mairo-AAl ,,
Gallia
TspAZHN
Decapolis
BapyYAI „
Caria
UiftcaM ,,
Paphlagonia
KepaMI „
,,
EMI „
Syria
KowK „
Gallia
AooP „
Illyricum
Ao-yyoo-rAA ,,
,,
MoAoZ ,,
Epirus
TEA „
Lucania
MY „
Phrygia
MafN „
Thessaly, Ionia,
rafATO-N
Lycia
Lydia
FaZE „
Judaea
Ai^elN „
Aegina
r^ee „
Laconia
Mi^O ,,
Cyclades
ArroAE ,,
Lydia
KP „
Crete
Pe^ANE „
Seleucis
A/3BAITHN
Phrygia
TENE „
Peloponnese
FaZ „
Judaea
4>ENE „
Arcadia
EA ,,
Aeolis
KuSQNE „
Crete
AeoNN „
Phrygia
AZE „
Arcadia
2YN „
,,
BorTE ,,
Macedon'
nacTKcaFI „
Tauric Cherson-
MoYE „
Thessaly, Cilicia
nese
ZouGH ,,
Mesopotamia
KeP „
Pisidia
Aii/EI ,,
Macedon
ArT „
Mysia
TlvQ\ „
? 3
AX „
?'
KuAflNI „
Crete
A^BITON
Cilicia
ATToAAClNI „
Lydia, Mysia,
neAarunN
Epirus
Caria, Pisidia
— EITQN
See — ITQN
BOI „
Laconia
StoxopaKITHN
Phrygia
0ouPI „
Messenia
ZHAITQN
Pontus
Ka</>YI „
Arcadia
T5PH
Phrygia
To A „
Galatia
EpjuoJcariH ,,
Lydia
AajcAN ,,
Cilicia *aZH ,,
Lycia
Wiener Monatsbl., V. p. 281.
Eev. Suissc, 1913, p. 112.
ETHNICS ON GREEK COINS.
247
0EAAITQN
Lycia 4-iAtTrnOnOAITriN
Thrace,
A»"H<1>EA „
,,
Thessaly,
NEAnOAITON
Ionia, Mace-
Arabia
don, Caria
IEP
P hrygia,
PoSIA
Lycia
Cilicia,
lePA
Phrygia
Cyrrhestica,
TPI
Lydia,Phoe-
Pontus
nicia
(Heraclea)
V*'
nAAEOriOAITON
Macedon
Pisidia
M{£TP
Thessaly,
I;
HpoKAE „
NE
Pontus
Campania,
o n i a,
Phrygia
Apulia
Atofi/Z ,,
Moesia,
TpoireZ ,,
Caria
Phrygia
2/cuG
Samaria
MetAHT „
Mysia
Ha\AI „
Pisidia
2e£aZT „
Pontus,
*A.ABI
Phrygia
Caria
OABI
Sarmatia
Aa-ePAITON
Lycia
(Olbia)
FAY „
Gaulos
KAAYAI
Bithynia,
Bp'OY „
Lydia
Cilicia
T/uQ „
„
NeOKAAYAl
Paphlagonia
TOMIT^N
Moesia
IIo/tirH 1 „
Cilicia, Pa-
AiZANITQN
Phrygia
phlagonia
TA „
Crete
AupHAI „
Lydia
KYA „
Lycia
loYAI
Bithynia
n|° fSloffeAH
Lesbos
T«/3ePI
Phrygia
\aA
TfTI
Cilicia
TAM „
Aeolis
*AooYI „
Bithynia,
THM „
„
Cilicia
n[e]iO „
Troad
NIK
Moesia,
A<r*cAAn „
Judaea
Thrace,
KOAQ „
Messenia
Pontus,
MoPn „
Thrace
Syria,
IwrAniTriN
Cilicia
Judaea
Ao-n „
Laconia
Tep/xANIK
Cilicia
KeAe^AEPITQN
Cilicia
HryAA
Arcadia
AiroAAwNIE „
Lydia
TpAIAN
Thrace,
A.oZIE „
,,
Phrygia A0AH „
Thrace
MapKIAN
Moesia
ASpjai/oGH ,,
Mysia
A5PIAN
Thrace,
Toirel ,,
Thrace
Phrygia,
4-ayaFO
Bosporus
Cilicia
Ej^nO ,,
Hispania
Ao/utTIAN „
Phrygia
MaffraY ,,
Lydia
(Sala)
AQ „
Phoenicia
EtpHN
Cilicia
NaKpAZITON
Lydia
IIAcoTelN ,,
Thrace
O5?jZ „
Thrace
IQN
Paphlagonia
XaijuATITON
Lycia
248
E. S. G. KOBINSON.
AaePTITON
Cilicia
BaAANEnTHN
Syria
KYITQN
Caria
Pa<t>ANE „
M
M „
Cilicia
KwpuKI ,,
Cilicia
TopSIOTEIXITQN
Caria
RoAAAl ,,
Lycia
UaveMOTE\ „
Pisidia
nai/TAAl „
Thrace
A/SeoNOTEl „
Paphlagonia
KapaAAl „
Cilicia
XaflAKTfiN
Pontus
BOI „
Boeotia
A/xANTON
Illyricum
Zt^uPI ,,
Cilicia
4>(Ao<reBAZTQN
Caria (Stra-
A/cpAZI ,,
Lydia
tonicea)
Kopa/cHZI „
Cilicia
*aKIA „
Thessaly
MaAA ,,
,,
*oA.wPIA ,,
,,
AtBYON
Libya
KuppH ,,
Cyrrhestica
AEAcl>nN
Phocis
HpaKAEGTHN
Macedon,
AAEA „
Seleucis
I o n i a,
Afj.<f>i\oxnn
Acarnania
Caria
(Argos)
XI.
BARCLAY VINCENT HEAD.
To the bibliography of Head's works, which was promised
in the last issue of the Numismatic Chronicle, we are glad
to be allowed to prefix the sympathetic notice which was
contributed to the Athenaeum for June 20 by one
who knew him well. We take the opportunity also
of mentioning that he was elected an honorary member
of the Academia Komana of Bukarest a few days after
his death, but before the news had reached the Academy.
Barclay Head was one of the rare and happy men who
seem to have been born to do a particular piece of work
in the world, and to do it admirably. Most people will
think of ancient numismatics as a small field of specialist
study, almost as a refuge of dilettantism. They will
admire the exquisite productions of the mint of Cyzicus
or Syracuse, and pass them by. But Head saw that coins
are serious historical monuments, that they contain in a
nutshell the whole history of the cities which issued
them, and that by an intensive and comparative study of
them ancient history can be made real and living.
He entered the Department of Coins in the British
Museum in 1864, and about 1870 was set by the Keeper
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. S
250 BARCLAY VINCENT HEAD.
of Coins, E. S. Poole, to work on the newly planned
Catalogue of Greek Coins, of which the first volume
appeared in 1873 and the twenty-seventh in 1914.
Every scientific specialist knows that compiling cata-
logues is the best of all training. The work of catalogu-
ing thoroughly suited Head. He had unlimited patience,
an excellent talent for comparison, a sense of style in
art, and a great love of historic research. The prelimi-
nary work in preparing the Catalogue of the Coins of
Sicily gave him his opportunity. The beauty of Sicilian
coins, and their value to Greek mythology, had long
been recognized ; but no one had yet worked out their
value as historic documents on the political and com-
mercial history of the island. Brandis and Momrnsen
had seen the lacuna, but their pupils had as yet done
little to fill it.
Head's paper on the Coinage of Syracuse, published
in 1874, was but 80 pages long, but it revealed a true
historic method applied for the first time to the whole
of the coinage of an ancient city. Its value was imme-
diately recognized abroad ; the French Academy crowned
it, and the University of Heidelberg bestowed a Doctorate
on the writer. From this time Head's task lay clear
before him : to treat other series of Greek coins by th&
same method which had been successful in the case of
Syracuse, and so by degrees to make numismatics not a,
morass, but a cultivated field with paths in all directions..
Hence came the great Historia Numorum, published by
the Oxford University Press in 1887, of which a new
edition came out in 1911. It has enjoyed the honour of
being translated into modern Greek, and has become an
invaluable book of reference to all who have worked upon
Greek history. English historical writers generally find
BARCLAY VINCENT HEAD. 251
much of their material in German books ; but in the
matter of numismatics Head turned the tables. He won
the rare distinction of being a corresponding member of
the Academies both of France and Prussia. A Doctorate
at Oxford came appropriately, though somewhat late.
What kind of reputation he had acquired throughout
Europe was best shown when he retired from the British
Museum. A volume of numismatic papers then published
in his honour contained contributions from almost all
the authorities on ancient numismatics. Of the thirty
contributors, ten wrote in German, five in French, one in
Italian, and one in Greek. It was an oecumenical offer-
ing, and the day on which Sir John Evans, in the
name of the subscribers, presented the first copy of the
book to him was a fitting consummation of his career.
The volume was well entitled Corolla Numismatica.
Barclay Head was Keeper of the Department of Coins
and Medals from 1893 till 1906. He was also joint
editor of The Numismatic Chronicle from 1869 to 1910.
In England there is not much endowment of research ;
but the British Museum serves, in fact, as a great in-
stitution for the purpose. The Museum never fostered
a better example of research than Head. In character
he was the typical student of the sort at his best : sweet-
tempered, of infinite patience, perfectly free alike from
self-assertion and from jealousy of his colleagues. He
was always ready to retract on Monday a view published
on Saturday, if good cause were shown. He always
weighed in even balance his own published opinions and
those of others ; yet his mind was so well poised and
cautious that he seldom had to retract. More than a
specialist he was not ; probably he never published a
line on any subject but numismatics ; yet so blameless
« 9
a -
252 BAKCLAY VINCENT HEAD.
a career, and a success within its own limits so complete,
can seldom have been exhibited in any country.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
From this list are excluded the reviews, signed or unsigned,
of numismatic works which Head contributed to the Numis-
matic Chronicle and other periodicals. The place of publica-
tion, where not otherwise stated, is London.
1867. Account of the Hoard of Anglo-Saxon Coins found
at Chancton Farm, Sussex. Num. Chron.
1868. Anglo-Saxon Coins with Runic Legends. Num.
Chron.
1868. Notes on Ilion, numismatical and historical. Num.
Chron.
1870. Translation of Ernst Curtius "On the Religious
Character of Greek Coins." Num. Chron.
1871. On some rare Greek Coins recently acquired by the
British Museum. Num. Chron.
1872. British Museum : Guide to the Select Greek Coins
exhibited in electrotype in the Gold Ornament
Room.
1873. British Museum Catalogue, Italy (with R. S. Poole
and P. Gardner).
1873. Greek autonomous Coins from the Cabinet of the
late Mr. Edward Wigan. Num. Chron.
1874. History of the Coinage of Syracuse. Num. Chron.
1875. Metrological Notes on ancient electrum Coins.
Num. Chron.
1876. British Museum Catalogue, Sicily (with R. S.
Poole and P. Gardner).
1876, 1877. Notes on a recent Find of Staters of Cyzicus
and Lampsacus. Num. Chron.
1877. The Coinage of Lydia and Persia. (International
Numismata Orientalia, pt. III.).
1877. Notes on Magistrates' Names on Autonomous and
Imperial Greek Coins. Num. Chron.
BARCLAY VINCENT HEAD. 253
1877. British Museum Catalogue, Thrace (with P.
Gardner).
1878. Himyarite and other Arabian Imitations of Athe-
nian Coins. Num. Chron.
1878. On an unpublished archaic Tetradrachm of Olyn-
thus. Num. Chron.
1879. Note on a Find of Sicilian Copper Coins struck
about the year 344 B.C. Num. Chron.
1879. British Museum Catalogue, Macedonia.
1879. Origin and Transmission of some of the principal
Ancient Systems of Weight. Journal of the
Institute of Bankers.
1880. British Museum : Guide to the Select Greek and
Roman Coins exhibited in electrotype. New
edition.
1880. A Himyaritic Tetradrachm and the Tresorde San'a.
Num. Chron.
1880, 1881. History of the Coinage of Ephesus. Num.
Chron.
1881. Chronological Sequence of the Coinage of Boeotia.
Num. Chron.
1881. British Museum : Guide to the Principal Gold and
Silver Coins of the Ancients from circ. 700 B.C.
to 1 A.D. Second edition.
[This is the second edition of the Guide pub-
lished under a different title in 1880 ; it appeared
in six " issues," each containing the whole text
but only a portion of the 70 plates. Subsequent
editions, some with only seven plates, appeared
in 1883, 1886, 1889 ("third edition"), 1895
(" fourth edition ")].
1882. The Coins of Ancient Spain. Num. Chron.
1883. Coinage of Alexander : an explanation. Num.
Chron.
1883. Remarks on two Unique Coins of Aetna and
Zancle. Num. Chron.
1884. British Museum Catalogue, Central Greece.
1886. Greek and Roman Coins. In L. Jewitt's " English
Coins and Tokens."
254 * BAKCLAY VINCENT HEAD.
1886. The Coins found at Naukratis. In W. M. F.
Petrie's Naukratis (Egypt Exploration Fund).
1886. Coins discovered on the site of Naukratis (reprint
of the preceding, with introductory remarks).
Num. Chron.
1887. Electrum Coins and their Specific Gravity. Num.
Chron.
1887. Historia Numorum, a Manual of Greek Numis-
matics. Oxford. (See also 1898 and 1911.)
1888. British Museum Catalogue, Attica, Megaris,
Aegina.
1888. Germanicopolis and Philadelphia in Cilicia. Num.
Chron.
1889. Notanda et Corrigenda. I. N or M on Athenian
Coins. II. Two misread coins of Ephesus. III.
Philadelphia Lydiae. IV. Lydian Gold Coinage.
Num. Chron.
1889. British Museum Catalogue, Corinth and her
Colonies.
1889. Apollo Hikesios. Journal of Hellenic Studies.
1891. Archaic Coins probably of Gyrene. Num. Chron.
1892. British Museum Catalogue, Ionia.
1893. Coins recently attributed to Eretria. Num. Chron.
1893. The Initial Coinage of Athens. Num. Chron.
1897. British Museum Catalogue, Caria.
1898. 'IcTTOpta rail/ Nojatcr/xaTtDV TJTOL '
VTTO 'Iwdwov N. S/Sopwvou. 2 vols. and plates.
Athens.
1901. British Museum : Guide to the Department of
Coins and Medals in the British Museum
(assisted by H. A. Grueber, W. Wroth, and
E. J. Rapson).
1902. British Museum Catalogue, Lydia.
1906. British Museum Catalogue, Phrygia.
1906. The Earliest Graeco-Bactrian and Graeco-Indian
Coins. Num. Chron.
1908. Ephesian Tesserae. Num. Chron.
1908. British Museum : Coins discovered in the British
BAKCLAY VINCENT HEAD. 255
Museum Excavations at Ephesus. (The Archaic
Artemisia.)
1911. Historia Numorum, a Manual of Greek Numis-
matics. New and enlarged edition. (Assisted
by G. F. Hill, George Macdonald, and W.
Wroth.) Oxford.
To these may be added : —
Corolla Numismatica : Numismatic Essays in
honour of B. V. Head. Oxford, 1906.
XII.
A FIND OF LONG-CEOSS PENNIES AT SLYPE
(WEST FLANDEES).
I AM indebted to M. A. Visart de Bocarme, who published
this find in Eev. Beige, 1914, pp. 71-72, and to M. le
Baron Maleingreau d'Hembise, the owner of the coins,
for putting themselves to much trouble in order to enable
me to see a large portion of the coins found at Slype.
The number of coins found is estimated at about 2000,
and of these I have seen rather more than 1350; they
were English Long-cross pennies of Henry III, with
the customary addition of a few Scottish and Irish
pennies of the same period ; the usual accompaniment
of Continental sterlings was apparently absent from
this hoard.
The hoard is very similar to that recently found at
Steppingley (Num. Chron., 1914, pp. 60 ff.), but slightly
earlier in date. Of Eenaud of London we have 7 coins
as against 123 at Steppingley, none of Ambroci or Eicard
at Canterbury, and at Bury St. Edmunds 1 of Eenaud
but none of Stephane, the later Ion, or loce ; this Eenaud
was appointed at Bury in 1258 and Ion de Burnedisse
(of whom we have no coins) in 1265. The burial of the
hoard must therefore have taken place very near the
year 1260.
The following brief description analyses the portion of
A FIND OF LONG-CROSS PENNIES AT SLYPE. 257
the hoard, which I have seen, in the arrangement of types
proposed by Mr. Lawrence in Brit. Num. Journ., vol. ix.,
pp. 145 ff., and Num. Chron., 1914, pp. 60 ff.
ENGLISH (HENRY III— LONG-CROSS).
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
a
6
c
a
b
c
d
e
/
g
LONDON-
71
NICOLE .
12
36
35
33
27
57
3
HENRI
10
27
15
12
23
23
7
12
DAVI ....
2
6
7
11
1
2
RICARD .
1
10
19
22
3
16
WILLEM .
16
3
4
20
JOHN
6
3
WALTER .
4
2
17
THOMAS .
ROBERT .
RENAUD .
7
PHELIP .
CANTERBURY-
NICOLE .
6
15
22
18
2
16
47
18
4
5
18
WILLEM .
1
3
5
5
1
9
23
52 2
43
7
42
GILBERT.
1
1
3
2
7
8
22
1
5
8
JOHN
4
13
35
3
2
13
ROBERT .
9
1
17
WALTER .
44
1
1
2
8
ALEIN
5
AMBROCI
RICARD .
BURY ST. EDMUNDS-
i
JOHN
1
4
4
4
RANDULF
9
8
RENAUD .
1
STEPHANE .
JOHN
JOCE
Four are mules having reverse of type II. with name of Nicole.
Three are mules having reverse of V. d reading WILLQMSOHK/M.
One is a mule with reverse of V. c reading Wl LLQMONQ^NT.
One is a mule with reverse of V. d reading WA"_Te(ROI/KA"H.
258
G. C. BKOOKE.
DURHAM Ricard V. b (3).
BRISTOL Elis III. b (6), III. c (1).
Jacob III. b (5), III. c (2).
CARLISLE John III. a (1), III. b (3).
Willem III. b (2).
EXETER John III. a (2), III. b (1).
Philip II. (1), III. a (1).
Robert III. a (1), III. b (1).
Walter II. (1), III. a (1).
GLOUCESTER Lucas III. b (2), III. c (1).
John III. a (2), III. b (1), III. c (1).
Ricard II. (1), III. a (1), III. 6 (3).
Roger III. a '(1), III. b (3).
HEREFORD Ricard III. a (1), III. 6 (2).
Roger III. b (2).
Walter III. a (1), III. 6 (3).
ILCHESTER Huge III. b (3).
Randulf III. b (4).
Jerveis III. & (1).
LINCOLN John III. a (I), III. b (9).
Ricard III. a (I), III. b (3).
Walter II. (1), III. a (1), III. b (6), III. c (3).
Willem II. (1), III. b (3).
NEWCASTLE Adam III. b (5).
Henri III. b (1), III. c (1).
John III. b (4), III. c (1).
Roger III. a (I), III. & (1).
NORTHAMPTON Lucas III. 6 (2).
Philip III. a (1), III. 6 (6).
Tomas III. a (3), III. 6 (4), III. c (I).
Willem III. a (3), III. b (2), III. c (1).
NORWICH Huge III. a (5), III. b (I), III. c (4).
Jacob III. a (2), III. c (I).
John III. a (5), III. c (1).
Willem III. b (6).
OXFORD Adam III. a (4), III. 6 (3).
Gefrei II. (1), III. a (1), III. 6 (2), III. c (1).
Henri II. (1), III. a (3), III. 6 (4).
Willem III. a (3), III. b (7).
A FIND OF LONG-CKOSS PENNIES AT SLYPE.
259
SHREWSBURY Lorens III. a (1).
Nicole III. b (1), III. c (1).
Peres III. 6 (1), III. c (1).
Ricard III. a (1), III. b (1).
WALLINGFORD Alisandre III. a (2).
Robert III. a (2).
WILTON Huge III. b (3).
John III. 6 (3), III. c (2).
Willem III. b (3).
WINCHESTER Huge III. 6 (4), III. c (3).
Jurdain III. a (2), III. b (3). III. c (1).
Nicole II. (1), III. a (1), III. 6 (2), III. c (1).
Willem III. b (4), III. c (2).
YORK Alain III. a (4), III. 6 (1).
Jeremie II. (1), III. a (1), III. b (3).
John III. a (1), III. b (5).
Rener III. a (2), III. b (2), III. c (2).
Tomas III. 6 (7).
21 coins of uncertain mints or money ers.
3 contemporary forgeries and 2 blundered coins.
SCOTTISH (Alexander III — Long-cross).
Aberdeen (1), Berwick (8), Dun[dee?] (1), For-
far? (1), Perth (3), Roxburgh (1).
IRISH (Henry III — Long-cross).
Dublin (10).
Irish-Enlish mule with reverse reading
G. C. BKOOKE.
MISCELLANEA.
A HOARD OF COINS OP TEMNOS.
A NUMBER of small copper coins of Temnos, of the third
century B.C., recently reached me from Smyrna : and a few-
days later a lot consisting of similar coins was offered for sale
at Messrs. Sotheby's rooms on February 3, 1914, and was
purchased by Mr. Baldwin, who very kindly lent them to me
for comparison with my own. As the two groups had evi-
dently formed part of the same hoard, I asked Mr. E. D.
Barff of Smyrna, who had obtained mine for me, to make
inquiries about them ; and he ascertained that about three
hundred coins, all of similar types, had been found together
with five or six tetradrachms of Alexander bearing the
Temnos symbol, a bunch of grapes, on the hills above the
Menemen plain and brought into Smyrna for sale.
There were fifty-two coins in my lot, and thirty-eight were
lent to me by Mr. Baldwin : both groups consisted of the four
following varieties, in about equal proportions in each of the
two : —
(1) Obv. — Youthful head of Dionysos r., wearing wreath of ivy, hair
falling on neck in locks.
Rev. — Vine-branch with bunch of grapes and leaves ; in field,
below, T A, to r. EpI (11 specimens).
(2) Obv. — Head of Athene r., wearing crested Corinthian helmet ;
hair falling on neck in locks.
Rev. — Warrior standing r., wearing crested helmet and cuirass;
in raised r. hand a short javelin, on 1. arm a round shield ;
in field, below, T A (5 specimens).
(3) Similar to (2), but on reverse also in field, above, A 0 (27
specimens.
(4) Similar to (2), but on reverse also in field, above, <J> Z (47
specimens).
The die-position in practically all cases was f f, only six
examples showing an irregularity of a few degrees : and the
normal diameter was 13 mm., five specimens of (1), one of (3),
and eight of (4), measuring 12 mm. ; one of (2), four of (3),
and three of (4), 14 mm. ; and one of (3), 15 mm.
I compared the dies of all the coins, and weighed them,
with the following results. The obverse dies are lettered in
capitals, the reverse in small letters, in each variety in
MISCELLANEA. 261
separate series : the weights are in grammes : the order is
the same in each case.
(1) Dies.— Aa, Bb, Cc, Dd, Ee, Ef, Fg, Fh, Gd, He, li.
Weights.— 1'56, 2-02, 1'93, 1-72, 1-92, 1-65, 2-17, 2-46, 1-70, 1-95, 2-20.
(2) Dies.— Aa, Ab, Bb, Bb, Gc.
Weights.— 1-81, 2-08, 2-21, 1-99, 2-18.
(3) Dies.— Aa, Ab, Ac, Ba, Ba, Be, Be, Be, Cb, Dd, Dd, De, Df, Eg,
Eh, Fi, Fk, Gi, Gl, Gl, Gm, HI, HI, Hn, Ho, Ip, Kq.
Weights.— 2-19, 1-81, 2-45, 2-34, 1-79, 1-69, 1-92, 1-90, 2-11, 2-36,
1-69, 1-96, 2-15, 1-71, 1-70, 1-91, 1'58, 3'31, 1-88, 2-09, 2-39,
1-87, 2-53, 1-90, 1-95, 2-11, 1-77.
(4) Dies.— Aa, Aa, Ab, Ab, Ab, Ab, Ac, Ac, Ad, Ad, Ae, Ae, Af, Af, Ba,
Bg, Bg, Bh, Ca, Cd, Ce, Ci, Dk, Dk, El, El, El, Fc, Ff,
Fm, Gn, Gn, Ho, Ho, Hp, Iq, Kr, Ls, Mt, Nu, Ow, PI,
Qx, By, Sz, Ts, Uaa.
Weights.— 2-23, 2-10, 2-16, 1-63, 1-61, 2'35, 1-81, 1-82, 1-72, 2-34,
2-60, 1-79, 2-16, 1-93, 2-20, 2-30, 1-81, 3'35, 2-35, 1-98, 2-40,
1-68, 1-82, 2-00, 1-70, 1-96, 2-55, 2-52, 2-05, 1-39, 1-60, 2-02,
2-37, 2-05, 2-09, 2-09, 2-06, 1-55, 1-64, 2-02, 1-70, 2-75, 1-92,
2-07, 1-78, 1-39, 1-95.
It will be observed that in the case of type (1) there were
nine different obverse dies and nine different reverse noted : in
type C 2), three and three; in type (3), ten and sixteen; in type
(4), twenty and twenty-five. There were no instances of the
same obverse die being used for coins belonging to different
varieties in (2), (3), and (4).
There is an account of what is clearly a part of the same
hoard in Monatsbl. Num. Ges. Wien, 1913, p. 164. In this
note eighty coins are described, which are said to have been
found by a shepherd at Nymphi, 25 km. east of Smyrna :
there were eight specimens of (1), two of (2), forty-one of (3),
and twenty-nine of (4). It is also mentioned that eighty-one
coins of similar types were subsequently in the hands of a
Smyrna dealer.
J. G. MILNE.
ON THE SERIES OP QUADEANTES USUALLY ASSIGNED TO
THE REIGN OP AUGUSTUS.
IN an ingenious and interesting article,1 Signor Lodovico
Laffranchi has suggested a new attribution for this somewhat
mysterious series ; he would remove it from the reign of
Augustus, in which it has hitherto by general consent been
placed, and assign it to various dates within the period
35-50 A.D. But personally I have not been convinced by
his able pleading ; and I should like to state briefly why I
still hold to the old arrangement.
1 Riv. Ital, 1911, 319 fi.
262 MISCELLANEA.
Signer Laffranchi's arguments may be summarized thus :
(1) The style of these quadrantes is unlike that of the
sestertii, dupondii, and asses of Augustus, bearing moneyers'
names, but identical with that of the quadrantes of Caligula
and Claudius.
(2) Such of the moneyers as we can trace may with better
reason be assigned to the end of the reign of Tiberius than to
the reign of Augustus.
(3) The survival of the names of moneyers on the smallest
denomination, after they had disappeared from the larger,
is not so very surprising, and analogies can also be adduced
for the omission of the name of the Emperor.
(4) In finds these quadrantes always occur in company with
coins of Caligula and Claudius, never with coins of Augustus.
I will first attempt to answer these arguments and then
add some evidence on the other side.
(1) Style is a difficult matter to discuss. For myself I
cannot see the identity of style and fabric between these
quadrantes and those of Caligula and Claudius. Considerable
similarity there certainly is, but not enough to require us to
place the two series immediately together. Neither series
of quadrantes bears any close resemblance to the larger
denominations. Coming to details, I would point out that
the S. C. on this series of quadrantes is markedly distinct
from that on the quadrantes of Caligula and Claudius and
very similar to that on the sestertii, dupondii, and asses of
Augustus.
• (2) Since we have no means of proving that our moneyers
are the same as men of like names mentioned elsewhere,
arguments based on this ground can hardly be conclusive.
As a matter of fact, there is no clear evidence here in favour
of Signer LafFranchi's view. We find on these quadrantes a
moneyer Apronius ; if we accept the ordinary dating, we can
identify him with an L. Apronius, who was consul in 8 A.D.
A " P. Silius, P. f." was consul in 3 A.D. ; he may well be
the Silius of our coins. The C. Rubellius Blandus, who
was " quaestor divi Augusti " and consul before 20 A.D., and
the Livineius Regulus mentioned by Tacitus in the year
20 A.D. may be identical with the moneyers C. Rubellius
Blandus and Regulus. The Betilienus Bassus, mentioned by
Seneca as a quaestor of C. Caesar, cannot, on our dating, be
identified with the moneyer ; he may, of course, have been his
son or grandson. The fact is that our information about the
moneyers is far too slight and indefinite to justify us in
drawing any certain conclusion from it ; I cannot see that
it militates against the ordinary attribution.
MISCELLANEA. 263
(3) That the names of the moneyers should survive on
the quadrans, after disappearing from the sestertius, the
dupondius, and the as, is certainly not inconceivable ; but that
they did not in fact so survive is surely proved by the
quadrantes of Caligula and Claudius, on which they are
missing. Again, the absence of the Emperor's name is not
very surprising ; according to our own theory the name of
Augustus is omitted ; but that in the reigns of Caligula and
Claudius the Emperor's name appeared on the quadrans is
surely proved by the series of quadrantes on which the
names actually appear. I cannot believe that two series of
quadrantes — one, with name of moneyer, but without name
of Emperor ; the other, with name of Emperor, but without
name of moneyer — alternated with one another, as Signor
Laffranchi would have us believe.
(4) Any definite evidence from finds is, of course, worthy
of full consideration, and I look forward to receiving from
Signor Laffranchi chapter and verse for his statement. But
I must protest against the use of such vague assertions in
argument ; one can neither accept nor reject them, and can
only suspend judgment.
I will add one positive argument in favour of the accepted
date, which seems to me well-nigh conclusive. Mr. George
Macdonald, in an interesting article in Corolla Numismatica,2
has discussed the importance of die-position as a criterion
of the date and place of minting and has given examples
of its use. If we apply this test here, we obtain a remark-
ably clear result ; the quadrantes with moneyers' names
show no regularity of die-position, the quadrantes of Caligula
and Claudius a regularity that, so far as I can trace, is
never broken ; 3 and, in this matter, the former series
agrees with the sestertii, dupondii, and asses of Au-
gustus, the latter with the same denominations of Caligula
and Claudius. This apparently slight piece of evidence will,
I think, be seen to rule out Signor Laffranchi's view. We
are left, then, with the ordinary attribution of these coins to
the period from 15 B.C. onwards, which is perhaps the most
likely time for them ; absolute proof can hardly be looked for.
1 shall look with interest for further arguments from
Signor Laffranchi in support of his view — especially for a
definite statement on the subject of finds ; till then, I must
2 Fixed and Loose Dies in Ancient Coinage, pp. 178ff.
3 Twenty coins in the British Museum all show the same die-
position. Prom the beginning of the reign of Caligula this position
becomes well-nigh invariable on Roman brass.
264 MISCELLANEA.
reluctantly express my dissent from his conclusions, while
fully acknowledging my warm appreciation of his acute and
successful researches on Roman Numismatics.
H. MATTINGLY.
THE GOLD COINAGE OF CHARLES I.
(From the verdicts at the pyx trials.^
IN Num. Chron., Ser. IV., Vol. X., p. 393, I published a table
which showed in the fourth column the quantities of silver
money contained in the pyxes which were opened at the Star
Chamber. Some of our Fellows who are interested in this
period having expressed a wish for the corresponding data as
to the two classes of gold coins, I have compiled and now
offer to the Society the desired particulars, which have been
obtained from Exch : acc'ts, " Proceedings on trials of the
pyx," bundle 3, vols. 1 and 2, at the Public Record Office.
The appended table does not allude to the rose ryal for
30*. and the spur ryal for 15s., which were ordered by an
indenture of 2 Charles I, and confirmed by a commission in
the King's eleventh year ; neither of these denominations was
found in any of the pyxes, nor are the two coins otherwise
known.
During the earlier part of the reign the coinage of 22 c.
gold was considerable, while that of silver was relatively very
small, as is shown by the two sets of figures. Later on,
however, the position was reversed ; crown-gold was struck
in steadily diminishing quantities, whereas the aggregate of
the silver coinage during the last ten years largely exceeded
that of the higher metal. Therefore the comparative rarity
of the mint-marks on gold and silver respectively varies
according to the period in which they were used. For
example, the "Heart" is seldom met with on the silver
issues, but it occurs quite frequently on crown-gold coins ; on
the other hand, the " R in two semi-circles" is commonly
seen on silver, but is rare on the unite or its half or quarter.
As to the angels of 23 c. 3^ grs. gold, they were without
exception struck in very limited numbers, and all their marks
are rare, some more so than others. Mr. R. LI. Kenyon says
on p. 150 of his Gold Coins that none were issued after 1634,
but the pyx returns confute this opinion, and I have seen at
least one example marked with "Triangle in a circle," the
symbol on the coins which were tried in May, 1643. This,
the latest of the angels, was in fact struck before November
25, 1642, on which day the Parliamentary receiver of the
MISCELLANEA.
265
Tower revenues began a new account, which mentions that no
angel-gold was used during the period of about two and a half
years covered by that document. It is a debatable topic
whether these angels, although duly authorized for general
circulation, were not made solely as touch pieces. The few
which exist are almost always pierced for suspension, and
there is also the significant circumstance that shortly after
the King was dispossessed of the Tower, in August, 1642, the
striking of angels entirely ceased, possibly because they were
not then regarded as current coins, but rather as medals
associated with a ceremony the underlying principle of which
did not commend itself to an anti-royalist party.
HENRY SYMONDS.
Date of trial.
Mint-mark.
Amount of 23 c. 3! grs.
gold in pyx (Angels').
Amount of 22 c.
gold in pyx
(Unites, double
crowns, and
Britain crowns).
£
£
June 29, 1626
Fleur-de-lys
1
613
April 27, 1627
Blackmoor's head
1.10.0
122
i
» »
Long cross (second
10s. (i.e. one angel)
291
pyx)
July 3, 1628
Castle
8.10.0
375
June 26, 1629
Anchor
6
178
June 23, 1630
Heart
3 . 10 . 0
335
June 30, 1631
Feathers
1.10.0
374
June 21, 1632
Rose
4
170
July 11, 1633
Harp
6
141
June 27, 1634
Portcullis
3.10.0
98
June 18, 1635
Bell
3.10.0
110
Feb. 14, 1636
Crown
nil
28
2
» !>
Crown (second pyx)
3.10.0
176
May 8, 1638
Tun
3.10.0
102
July 4, 1639
Anchor
3
113
June 26, 1640
Triangle
4
41
July 15, 1641
Star
3 . 10 . 0
92
May 29, 1643 3
Triangle in a circle
1.10.0
143
July 15, 1644
P in two semi-circles
nil
67
May 12, 1645
R „ „ „
,,
46
Nov. 10, 1645
Eye
,,
24
Feb. 15, 1646
Sun
>»
78
Nov. 9, 1649
Sceptre
62
1 The two pyxes were due to a change of officers, not to an altera-
tion in the coins. The " Long cross " coins must have been earlier
than those with "Blackmoor's head," although the former were in the
second pyx.
2 Caused by the same reason as in 1627 (see note, supra).
3 In June, 1643, " a new pix box with locks hinges and bindings "
was bought from Richard Martin at a cost of 68s. (Declared acc'ts
Pipe office, 2186).
NUM. CHKON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. T
( 266 )
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
British Museum : Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties
and of SasdnTca, King of Gauda. By John Allan, M. A.,
Assistant in the Department of Coins. With 24 Plates.
London, Printed by order of the Trustees, 1914.
THE Catalogue of the early pre-Muhammadan Indian Coins
in the British Museum, begun many years ago by Professor
Percy Gardner's standard work on the Graeco-Bactrian and
Indo-Scythian issues, was continued after a long interval by
Professoj1 Rapson's exhaustive treatise on the obscure coinages
of the Andhras and their contemporaries. Mr. John Allan
has now produced a third volume dealing with the coinage of
the Imperial Gupta Dynasty in the fourth and fifth centuries
of the Clmstian era, and also with certain minor connected
mintages. Mr. Allan's work is quite equal in quality to that
accomplished by his eminent predecessors. His catalogue has
been produced, as is always the case with the publications
of the Trustees of the British Museum, regardless of expense,
the plates being numerous and beautifully executed, while
the legends of each coin are reproduced in facsimile. The
printing is accurate, and clerical errors or misprints are
extremely few. Mr. Allan has devoted special study to the
subject for several years past, and has read everything pub-
lished concerning it. His official position has enabled him to
collect material from a great variety of sources and to enrich
his catalogue by the inclusion of specimens not comprised in
the Museum series, which is by far the best in the world.
The Gupta coinage having been studied by me from time to
time for more than thirty years, I propose to discuss briefly
some of the more interesting problems suggested by the coins.
As might be expected, Mr. Allan has been able to make some
corrections in my work, especially in the reading of certain
legends. He has devoted immense pains to the elucidation of
the more difficult legends and has attained considerable suc-
cess, although a good many details still remain obscure.
The coinage of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty is by far the
most interesting of the Hindu series of coins, as distinguished
from the essentially foreign Graeco-Bactrian and the more
than half-foreign Indo-Scythian series. The only Hindu
coins possessing any substantial claim to artistic merit are
those belonging to a few classes of the gold issues struck by
the great Gupta emperors within the space of about a century,
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 267
350-450 A.D. The artistic excellence thus displayed in the
coinage was only one manifestation of the extraordinary
intellectual activity of the age in question, which expressed
itself in sculpture, painting, literature, and science. I have
lately discussed the brilliant achievements of the Gupta age
in the third edition of the Early History of India and in an
article on Gupta Sculpture in the Ostasiatische ZeitscJirlft
(1914), which may be consulted by persons interested. Mr.
Allan passes over the topic. Here it will suffice to say that
I have no doubt that the Gupta Renaissance was intimately
connected with and stimulated by the active intercourse main-
tained between the Gupta Empire and the Graeco-Roman
civilization of Egypt and Western Asia.
The comparatively high artistic quality of the Gupta coinage,
as seen in the best pieces struck by Samudra-gupta and his
son Chandra-gupta II, is only one of the reasons for the
exceptional interest of the Gupta coinage. A second equally
potent reason is that the coins can be studied in the light of
numerous contemporary dated inscriptions, as well as of the
narrative recorded by the first Chinese pilgrim, Fa-hien (Fa-
hsien), who travelled in the Gupta empire in the reign of
Chandra-gupta II at the beginning of the fifth century. The
chronology in its main outline is certain, and the evidence of
the coins, consequently, can be used with unusual confidence
and effect. They throw light on the contemporary records
and works of art, while those records and works in their turn
help us to understand the coinage. For instance, the inscrip-
tions of Samudra-gupta's successors tell us about his celebra-
tion of the Asvamedha or Horse-Sacrifice, and the Allahabad
panegyric describes the royal skill in the art of music. The
coins include about sixteen specimens of the gold medals dis-
tributed by the king to the Brahmans engaged in the sacrifice,
and another type, of which about eleven examples are known,
depicts His Majesty in the act of playing the lyre. Many
other illustrations of the extraordinary value of the Gupta
coins as historical documents might be cited. To mention
one only, we learn from the coins alone that Kumara-gupta I,
like his grandfather, celebrated the Horse-Sacrifice in vindica-
tion of his claim to paramount sovereignty. The extant
inscriptions do not happen to mention the fact.
The first member of the dynasty to attain independent
power was Chandra-gupta I (320 to about 335 A.D.), who ruled
the Gangetic basin, including the modern province of Oudh,
from below Patna to Allahabad (Prayag). Certain gold
coins, of which about a score are known, present on the
obverse effigies of Chandra-gupta I and his queen Kumara-
268 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
devi, with their names, and on the reverse a goddess with the
marginal legend, Licchavayah, " the Liechavis," in the nomina-
tive plural. We know from the inscriptions that Kumara-
devl was a princess of the famous Licchavi clan of Tirhiit,
often mentioned in early Buddhist legend, and that her son,
the great conqueror, Sarnudra-gupta, was proud of his Licchavi
descent. The coins, on the face of them, appear to have been
struck by Chandra-gupta I, and the reverse legend, in the
nominative plural, may be interpreted as meaning that they
were issued under the joint authority of Chandra-gupta and
his consort's clan. It may be assumed as probable that the
Licchavi alliance was the foundation of the power of Chandra-
gupta. That view, maintained in my publications of various
dates, has been generally accepted.
But Mr. Allan holds that the Gupta coinage began rather
late in the reign of Samudra-gupta, who struck the pieces
in question to commemorate the marriage of his parents.
Mr. Allan accordingly catalogues these coins (" King and
Queen " type of my nomenclature) under the name of Samudra-
gupta. He bases his opinion on the observations that these
King and Queen coins are rather more removed from the
northern Kushan type than are the Standard (alias " Javelin "
or " Spearman ") type coins of Samudra-gupta, and that the
fabric closely resembles that of many pieces issued by that
prince. I confess that the arguments are not convincing to
my mind. If Samudra-gupta did not issue any coinage until
"a comparatively late period" in his reign, it would be odd
conduct for him then to commemorate the marriage of his
parents by the issue of coins recording their names, but not
making the faintest allusion to himself. There is no difficulty
in admitting the similarity of fabric between his coins and
those of his father a few years earlier in date. In my opinion
the " King and Queen " coins were struck by Chandra-gupta I,
as they profess to have been.
I am not satisfied that the name Pura really occurs on
Dr. Hoey's coin (PI. xxi. 23). I have examined the piece.
I am inclined to accept the real existence of a Chandra-
gupta III and a Ghatotkacha-Gupta, about 500 A.D. (p. liv).
Mr. Allan convincingly justifies the reading Chandraditya
on certain late coins. The title, pronounced by Hoernle to
be "an impossible Sanskrit compound," actually occurs in
three inscriptions and in the Kathdsaritsdgara (p. Ixi).
The discovery that most of the longer legends on the Gupta
coins are in sundry Sanskrit metres, the most common being
the Upaglti variety of the Arya, is important and fully estab-
lished (p. cviii).
NOTICES OP RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 269
The discussion of the metrology of the coins (p. cxxxi) is
hardly adequate.
The book contains many other points of interest to an
expert in Indian numismatics, but I must not take up more
space.
VINCENT A. SMITH.
Aspects of Death in Art and Epigram, illustrated especially
by Medals, Engraved Gems, Jewels, Ivories, Antique
Pottery, &c. By F. Parkes Weber, M.A., M.D. Second
Edition, revised and much enlarged. 461 pp. With
126 illustrations. London: T. Fisher Unwin and B.
Quaritch. 1914.
READERS of the Numismatic Chronicle will not have forgotten
the series of articles on the subject of Death which were
contributed to its pages by Dr. Parkes Weber in 1909-10,
and which subsequently took form as an independent volume.
The second edition of this volume is now before us. It is
swollen to more than twice its original bulk, and is indeed
a solid and weighty book, although the author in his modesty
describes it as a little volume.
The amount of information of a miscellaneous kind which
is stowed away in its pages is extraordinary. Death being
the complement of life, it is clear that the " farrago " of any
book which deals with death must practically be " quid-
quid agunt homines." Consequently nothing less than an
encyclopaedia would be necessary if the matters dealt with
were to be arranged and classified on any strictly scientific
plan. About half the book is concerned with the philosophical
and psychological sides of the subject, the consideration of
the various ideas of death and of man's attitude towards it.
There is for instance a section (pp. 69-83) on the ideas of
the Italian Renaissance, the influence of Petrarch's Trionfi,
and the " Triumph of Death " designs. (In this connexion the
remarkable fresco of the Triumph of Death at Palermo might
have been mentioned.) The whole of this half of the book
is crammed with quotations from and references to the
literature of death, showing a faculty of laborious collection
which reminds one of the Anatomy of Melancholy. Part III
(pp. 220—329) is the strictly numismatic portion of the work.
It consists of a list, arranged chronologically, of coins, medals
and tokens, having more or less direct reference to the subject.
One might perhaps cavil at the inclusion of some examples,
such as the Greek coins of Eleusis with types that refer to
270 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
the Eleusinian Mysteries, so remote is the reference. But no
one, with such a subject, could possibly make a selection
which would please all his critics. It is more to the point to
recognize that one does not notice the omission of anything
of importance. I note, merely for completeness' sake (and
with full consciousness that, among the mass of material in
the book the instances to be mentioned may be really given
but have escaped my notice) : first, a medal by Hagenauer of
1543, of which the reverse is illustrated by Habich (Jahrbuch
der Preuss. Kunstsammlungen, xxviii, p. 259); it consists merely
of the motto BEDENCK DAS END. Next, among non-numis-
matic works, are the three very interesting pictures, two at
Strassburg and one at Valenciennes, given in Reinach's
Repertoire, III, pp. 748, 749, all of the school of Memlinc ;
the bronze Lucretia with her foot on a skull at Vienna ; and
W. F. Moll's little ivory putto asleep with his head on a
skull, also at Vienna. The crest of Graeme is described as
" two arms issuing from a cloud erected and lighting up a
man's skull encircled with two branches of palm, over the
head a marquess's coronet, all proper." What is the meaning
of that? But there is no point in multiplying instances,
which, as I have said, are really of small importance. Dr.
Weber has cast his net wide and has missed little.
In his preface he suggests certain other subjects for
investigation. I would call his attention to a crying want.
There is no book making even the slightest pretence to
exhaustiveness on the impress or devices of the Renaissance,
with their accompanying mottoes. It would be of immense
use to students of medals, and also of other arts, to have a
critical list of those known to have been actually used by
persons, as distinct from those which were invented for
general purposes by writers like Alciati or Ripa.
G. F. H.
W. H. Valentine, The Copper Coins of India, Part I., Bengal
and the United Provinces. Spink & Son, Ltd., London,
1914. (5s.)
SINCE the publication of his Modern Muhammadan Coins three
years ago, Mr. Valentine has been studying the copper coins
of India. His first volume on this series has now been
published, and in accordance with the geographical plan of
the work deals with the copper coins of Bengal and the
United Provinces. Bengal is here used in its old sense and
is equivalent to the modern provinces of Bengal, Behar and
Orissa, and Assam. The plan of the work is similar to the
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 271
author's previous volume (see Num. Chron., 1911, p. 202), and
again he has spared no pains to collect specimens from all
sources. Over three hundred coins are illustrated and de-
scribed with transliteration and translation of the legends.
The book is much more than a catalogue of coins, however ;
it contains an interesting sketch of the main outlines of
Indian history, which will give the reader a clear idea of the
relative positions of the numerous dynasties that have ruled
in India. The separate sections of the work each have more
detailed historical introductions. The dynastic tables, the
various alphabets, the glossary, and the comparative table of
eras contain all that the layman requires to become proficient
in identifying intelligently the coins described in the text.
Collectors of Indian coins, who now form quite a numerous
body, will find in Mr. Valentine's book the solution of many
of their puzzles, and will look forward to the succeeding parts
with interest.
J. A.
n2.
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CHARLES I; OXFORD AND EXETER HALF-CROWNS.
PROCEEDINGS
OP THE
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE
KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
SESSION" 1913—1914.
OCTOBER 16, 1913.
H. B. EAELE Fox, ESQ., Vice-President, in the Chair.
The minutes of the ordinary meeting of May 18 were read
and confirmed.
Messrs. H. \V. Codrington and W. Gilbert were proposed
for election.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their
donors : —
1. Aarbogenfor Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, 1912.
2. Academie royale de Belgique, Bulletin 1913, Nos. 1-6.
1912, No. 10.
3. American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. xvii., No. 2.
4. Annual of the British School at Athens. No. 18.
5. Appunti di Numismatica Romana, cv-cvi. By F.
Gnecchi. From the Author.
6. Archaeologia Aeliana. N.S., Vol. ix.
7. Administration Report of Madras Government Museum ,
1912-1913.
8. Brandenburgisch - preussische Miinzstudien. By E.
Bahrfeldt. From the Author.
a 2
4 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
9. Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal.
Vol. x., Nos. 2 and 3.
10. Die Tetradrachmenpragung von Syrakus. By L. O. T.
Tudeer. From the Author.
11. Demi-Patagon frappe a Bruges par Philippe V. Roi
d'Espagne. By Vicomte B. de Jonghe. From the Author.
12. Journal of Hellenic Studies. Vol. xxxiii., Pt. 1.
13. Forvannen Meddelanden fran K. Vitterhets Historic
och Antikvitets Akademien, Stockholm, 1912.
14. Horniman Museum Report, 1912.
15. Journal International d'Archeologie Numismatique.
1913.
16. Les Doubles Souverains d'or frappes a Tournai par
Philippe I. By Vicomte B. de Jonghe. From the Author.
17. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
Nos. 358-362.
18. Monnaies, Mesures et Poids de 1'Inde et de la Chine.
By J. A. Decourdemanche. From the Author.
19. Notices extraites de la Chronique de la Revue Numis-
matique, 1913. Pts. 1 and 2.
20. Royal Irish Academy Proceedings. Vol. xxxii., Sec. C.,
Nos. 1-4.
21. Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. Vol. xliii.,
Pt. 2.
22. Revue Beige de Numismatique, 1913. Livraisons
3 and 4.
23. Revue Numismatique, 1913. Pt. 1 and 2.
24. Rivista Italiana di Numismatica, 1913. Pt. 2.
25. The Date of Kanishka. By F. W. Thomas. From the
Royal Asiatic Society.
26. Zeitschrift fiir Numisinatik. Band xxx., Heft 1-4.
Mr. F. A. Walters, F.S.A., showed a bronze medallion of
Commodus with rev. Britannia seated BRITTANNIA P . M . TR .
P . X . IMP . VII . COS . Illl .P.P., having a countermark on
the edge (Cohen, No. 37 ; Gnecchi, PI. 78, 2).
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 0
Mr. P. H. Webb exhibited a series of third brass of Marius
and Quintillus from a find made in 1912 near Treves, and
denarii from a find near Luxemburg in 1912.
Mr. H. B. Earle Fox showed a series of copper coins of
Corinth including :
Nero. — Coins commemorative of the Emperor's visit to
Corinth in 67 A.D. Two types (1) ADVENTVS; (2) AD-
LOCVTIO ; signed by the duumviri P. Memius Cleander and
L. Rutilius Piso, each of whom struck both types.
(The name of the emperor is always in the nominative case,
and that of the duumvir in the ablative.)
Autonomous types all issued by the duumvir L. Caninius
Agrippa, who seems to have had no colleague.
(Contrary to the usage of all previous issues the duumvir's
name is in the genitive (or dative) case.)
Obv. Head of Poseidon, NEPTVNO A/G.
Rev, (1) Clasped hands holding poppyhead and ears of corn.
(2) Isthmos, naked, holding two rudders (a local type).
Obv. (1) Head of the Senate, wearing stephane and veil, SENATV
P. Q. R-
(2) Head of Roma, turreted, ROMAE ET IMPERIO.
Combined with
Rev. (1) Clasped hands holding poppyhead and ears of corn.
(2) Victory holding wreath and palm branch.
(3) Temple approached by steps.
(The combination, head of Rome, rev. temple, was not
represented in this exhibit.)
Galba.— SVL GALBAE CAESAR AVG (or sometimes CAE
A/G IMP) (genitive or dative). Rev. the three types of the
previous group. These like the autonomous types were issued
by L. Caninius Agrippa.
Sir Arthur J. Evans exhibited two solidi, eight denarii of
PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Galba, and five autonomous denarii of the period including
one of the XVth Legion on which he read the following
note : —
Obv. ADSERTOR LIBERTATIS. Head of Mars Adsertor in
crested helmet to r.
Rev. LEGION XV PRI M[IGEN] Victory draped to waist, with
hammer in right hand, nailing up trophy. The trophy
consists of helmet, greaves, and Attic and Iberian shields,
the former hexagonal, the latter round. [See PI. X. 9.]
The fabric of this coin is fine, but the style and the subject
of the trophy suggest provincial fabric.
There seem to be faint traces of parts of the I and G of
PRIMIGEN (iae). The XVth Legion was at one time quartered
on the Rhine. This Legion or some detachment of it was in
Home with Galba, since it is connected with his own fate in
a peculiar way. Tacitus l mentions that, during the mutiny
of the troops and general tumult which preceded Otho's
elevation, Galba in his hurried attempt at flight was thrown
from his saddle, and according to the general report his
throat was pierced by the sword of Camusius, a soldier of
the XVth Legion.
Mr. H. Mattingly read a paper on " The Coinages of the
Civil Wars, 68-69 A.D." After briefly recapitulating the
history of the period, the reader attempted to assign a place
and date to the various series of coins falling within the
scope of the paper, and to elucidate the circumstances in
which they were struck. The so-called " autonomous " coins
which bear republican or military types, without the name or
head of any emperor, were first passed in review ; it was
suggested that they should be assigned to three districts —
Spain, Gaul, and the Germanies — and that the first two
groups should be dated early in 68, and the third late in the
same year. Reasons were given for not assigning any of
1 Hist., i. 41.
EOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 7
these coins to the mint of Rome. A short account was then
given of the coinage of L. Clodius Macer in Africa, and
attention was called to the salient points of interest. The
coinage of Galba came next in order. Mr. Mattingly sug-
gested a division into some five or six groups, to be attributed
to the mint of Rome and also to mints in Spain, Gaul, and
possibly Africa. The points of contact between the coins of
this Emperor and the " autonomous " class were noted, and
an explanation of the connexion was suggested. The various
issues of Vitellius were next discussed, and different groups
of coins were assigned to Lower Germany, Gaul, and Rome,
and in the case of Galba a theory was proposed which might
explain the great similarity between the Imperial coins and
certain groups of " autonomous." Finally a very brief survey
was taken of the early issues of Vespasian ; a number of coins
showing marked differences of style and fabric were illustrated,
and possible mints were suggested for some of them. (This
paper is printed in this volume, pp. 110-137.)
In the discussion that followed, Sir Arthur Evans com-
mented on some very interesting coins of the period which
he had exhibited earlier in the evening. He suggested the
importance of the evidence of finds to check or confirm the
proposed classification. Mr. Earle Fox called attention to
the series of Corinthian coins bearing the name of a duumvir,
and certainly to be attributed to the year 68, bearing, instead
of an emperor's name, the inscription ROMAE ET IMPERIO
and SEN AT V P Q R, and pointed out that they supplied some
evidence of a sort of " interregnum," if one may so term it,
between the death of Nero and the general recognition of
Galba as emperor.
8 PROCEEDINGS OP THE
NOVEMBER 20, 1913.
Sm HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S.,F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The minutes of the ordinary meeting of October Id were
read and approved.
Messrs. H. W. Codrington, M.R.A.S. (Ceylon Civil Service),
and W. Gilbert were elected Fellows of the Society ; Rev.
W. L. Gantz was admitted to the Society.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their
donors : —
1. Academie Roy ale de Belgique, Bulletin. Nos. 7-8.
2. American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. xvii., No. 3.
3. Appunti di Numismatica Romana, cvii-cviii. By F.
Gnecchi. From the Author.
4. Archiv fur Medaillen- und Plaketten-Kunde. Heft. 1.
5. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique. vi., 1913.
6. Bonner Jahrbiicher. Heft 122.
7. Forty-Third Annual Report of the Deputy -Master of
the Mint, 1912.
8. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.
Vol. xliii., Pt. 3.
9. Papers of the British School at Rome. Vol. vi.
10. Report of the United States National Museum, 1912.
11. Revue Suisse de Numismatique. Tome xix., 2, 1.
12. Rivista Italiana di Numismatica. Fasc. 3, 1913.
13. The Date of Kanishka — A Discussion. From the
Royal Asiatic Society.
Mr. Henry Garside showed specimens of the new eighteen
and nine piastre pieces of Cyprus of George V.
Miss Helen Farquhar exhibited a silver medallion of
Charles I attributed to Varin, clearly dated 1649, which
shows that the date 1642 read on the only other specimen
(in bronze) hitherto known is wrong.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 9
Mr. F. A. Walters, F.S.A., showed two very rare denarii of
Septimius Severus and Caracalla each with reverse LAETITIA
TEMPORVM, a circus-vessel in full sail from which various
wild beasts are leaping ; these remarkable pieces were issued
on the celebration of the decennalia and the marriage of
Caracalla in 202 A.D., and commemorate an entertainment in
the amphitheatre, described by Dion Cassius, in which seven
hundred wild beasts were let loose in the arena from a model
ship and afterwards slain.
Mr. P. H. Webb exhibited a third brass of Augustus, obv.
AVGVSTVS DIVI F. head 1. ; rev. L. CASSIO/ C. \A_ERIO
/IIVIR in three lines in laurel wreath; this piece corrects
Cohen's reading C. NERIO— the monogram \A_ was mistaken
by him for N ; the Valerii belonged to the Julian party, while
C. Nerius was an adherent of Pompey,
Mr. G. F. Hill read a paper on a " New Medal by Claude
Yarin." This medal, which has been recently acquired by the
British Museum, is a hitherto unknown portrait medal of
John Prideaux (1578-1650), Regius Professor of Divinity in
Oxford 1615-1641, Bishop of Worcester 1641-1650, and
Vice-Chancellor of the University for various terms ; it is
dated 1638, and bears the signature C. Yarin. Mr. Hill
pointed out that the workmanship of this medal bore a
remarkable resemblance to the well-known medal of Sir
Thomas Bodley, founder of the Bodleian Library, and con-
firmed the supposition that the latter was by Claude Yarin.
Mr. Hill proceeded to discuss the attribution of the various
English medals of this period signed " Warin " only, and
showed that they fell into well-marked groups to be assigned
to different members of the Yarin family. (This paper was
printed in Yol. XIII. pp. 422-426.)
Mr. G. C. Brooke read some notes on " Muled Types in the
English Coinage of the Norman Period," and showed a slide
illustrating two mules of William I of which the obverse dies
had been worked up to resemble the two obverses that were
10 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
in issue with the reverses of these mules. The evidence of
these two mules, and the rarity of the mules of the London
mint (where coinage was continuous), suggested the conclusion
that mules of this period were irregular coins issued by the
moneyers with the object of saving themselves expense by
using an old die, and not, as had been thought, an authorized
issue, the frequency of their occurrence being due to the
difficulty of their detection. The obverse of mules belonged
usually to the earlier of the two types muled because the
obverse, or standard, die had less hard wear, and usually out-
lived one or even more reverse dies. A discussion followed,
in which Messrs. H. B. Earle Fox, who gave his experiences
of muling in the Plantagenet period, P. H. Webb, H.
Symonds, and the President took part.
DECEMBER 18, 1913.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The minutes of the ordinary meeting of November 20, were
read and approved.
Messrs. V. B. Crowther-Beynon, Richard Dalton, Robert
Kerr, and R. J. Williams were proposed for election, and
Mr. William Gilbert was admitted to the Society.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their
donors : — •
1. Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal. Vol. x.,
No. 4.
2. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
Nos. 363-364.
3. Notices Extraites de la Chronique de la Revue Numis-
matique. 3rd trimestre, 1913. By A. Blanchet. From the
Author.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 11
4. Oriental Numismatics. By J. Robinson. From, the
Author.
5. Revue Numismatique. 3rd trimestre, 1913.
6. Sur les Chretiens et les Seconds Flaviens dans 1'Histoire
Auguste. By Jules Maurice. From the Author.
7. The Early Weights and Measures of Mankind. By
Sir Charles Warren. From the Author.
Mr. J. G. Milne exhibited a tetradrachm of Smyrna, obv.
head of Cybele r., and rev. lion recumbent r., of the magistrate
Herodotos.
Mr. L. G. P. Messenger showed a small bronze medallion
of Antoninus Pius, rev. Hercules standing in front of an altar,
behind him a column surmounted by a statue (Gnecchi,
PI. cxlix. 4).
Rev. Edgar Rogers exhibited three Jewish bronze coins
of Eleazar, one of the usual type of the first year of the
" deliverance of Jerusalem," and two new types of the
" redemption of Israel."
Mr. Henry Symonds, F.S.A., showed a second brass of
Vespasian, rev. PAX AVG ; a first brass of Titus, rev. PI ETAS,
Domitilla between Titus and Vespasian; a first brass of
Caracalla, rev. VICT. BRIT., Victory erecting a trophy; and
a third brass of Allectus, rev. VIRTVS AVG., Trophy between
two captives (Webb, No. 86), of the London mint, all found
in Dorset.
Mr. J. Allan read a paper on the English imitation of an
Arab dinar, usually known as the mancus of Offa, which has
recently been acquired by the British Museum with the
assistance of private individuals. This piece is a very good
copy of a dinar of the Abbasid Caliph al-Mansur of the year
157 A.H. (774 A.D.) with the additional legend OFFA REX.
Ofla probably became acquainted with the Arab dinars
through intercourse between England and France, as from
the evidence of finds and contemporary literature, they are
known to have circulated in the Carolingian empire ; he
12 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
might even have received them from Charlemagne among
the latter's presents to him, as gold coins were probably
included among the presents sent by al-Mansur to Pepin, as
they certainly were among Harun al-Rashid's many gifts to
" his brother " Charlemagne. There was no real reason to
suppose these dinars of Offa were specially struck or even
used for the payment of Peter's pence. They were evidence
of an attempt, probably quite ephemeral, to institute a gold
coinage which would pass current with the standard gold
coin of the time. The idea that the munus divinum solidi of
Louis the Pious were specially struck for tribute to Borne
was, as M. Prou has shown, due to a misinterpretation of the
legend which was really a kind of equivalent to Dei Gratia ;
so that the argument from the analogy of these pieces falls to
the ground. Although the value of Offa's dinar must have
been about that of a mancus of silver, it must be called
a dinar and not a mancus, which was solely a money of
account. The etymology of mancus, from the Arabic mankush,
the " engraved," sometimes applied to coins in poetical
language, was untenable, and all theories founded on it must
be abandoned. (This paper is printed in this volume,
pp. 77-89.)
Sir Arthur Evans and Dr. Codrington suggested that Arab
dinars might . also have reached England by the northern
route through Russia and the Baltic, but the President
pointed out that the greater majority of the coins found on
the northern route were Samanid silver of a later date than
the coin in question.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 13
JANUARY 15, 1914.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The minutes of the ordinary meeting of December 18, 1913,
were read and approved.
Messrs. Richard Dalton, Robert Kerr, and R. James
Williams were elected Fellows of the Society ; and Mrs.
Sidney Streatfield and K. u. K. Regierungsrat Eduard Fiala
were proposed for election.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their
donors : —
1. American Journal of Archaeology. Yol. xvii., No. 4.
2. Contos para Contar (Jetons Portugueses). By J. Leite
de Vasconcellos. From tlie Author.
3. Elencho das Ii9oes de Numismatica. By J. Leite
de Vasconcellos. From the Author.
4. Inventaire das Moedas Portuguesa da Bibliotheca
National da Lisboa. By J. Leite de Vasconcellos. From the
Author.
5. Journal of Hellenic Studies. Vol. Ixiii., Pt. 2 and
Supplement.
6. Le Monete e le Bolle plumbee Pontificie del Medagliere
Vaticano. Vol. iii. By C. Serafini. From the Administration
of the Vatican Library.
7. Monnaies de Juste-Maximilian de Bronckhorst. By
Vicomte B. de Jonghe. From the Author.
8. Numismatische Zeitschrift. Band vi., Heft 2 and 3.
9. Numismatic Circular. Vol. xxi., 1913. From Messrs.
Spink & Sons.
10. Medhala Commemorativa de Congresso de Numismatica,
1900. By M. J. de Campos. From J. Leite de Vasconcellos.
11. O Numismata; Manoel Joaquin de Campos. From
J. Leite de Vasconcellos.
14 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
12. Revue Beige de Numismatique. Pt. 1, 1914.
13. Zeitschrift ftir Numismatik. Band xxxi., Heft 1 and 2.
Miss Helen Farquhar showed a series of coins from
<£! pieces to half-crowns with equestrian figures illustrative
of the style and workmanship of the Civil War engravers,
including signed pieces by Rawlins and Briot.
Mr. William Gilbert brought an unpublished milled six-
pence of Elizabeth of 1562 with a dot between A and D of
the reverse legend.
Mr. L. A. Lawrence, F.S.A., exhibited a small iron tobacco
box with a portrait of Charles I in silver on the lid.
Mr. F. A. Walters, F.S.A., showed a medallion of Hadrian,
being a large brass (Cohen, No. 184) enclosed in a broad
moulded bronze circle, found in the Tiber in 1913.
Mr. Percy H. Webb exhibited a rare second brass of
L. Domitius Alexander, tyrant in Africa 308-311 A.D., with
reverse, INVICTA ROMA FELIX KARTHAGO (Cohen, No. 6).
Miss Helen Farquhar read a paper on " Nicholas Briot and
some Country Mints during the Civil War." Mr. Symonds
had recently shown that Briot had died in the service of
Parliament, which had disproved the tradition of the artist's
uninterrupted service of Charles I at Oxford. Miss Farquhar
was able to show that Briot continued to serve the King by
making secret journeys from London to York and Oxford
after the outbreak of hostilities, as was clear from his widow's
petition to Charles II at the Restoration, recalling the
miseries she and her family had suffered when this was dis-
covered. Miss Farquhar showed how Briot's hand could
be traced in the Civil War coinages of these two mints.
From an unpublished Harleian manuscript Miss Farquhar
traced the route of Thomas Bushell, who carried his Aberyst-
with mint via Shrewsbury and Oxford to Bristol, and she
suggested that the clumsy equestrian portraits in use on
silver issues at Shrewsbury and Oxford owed their origin to
some graver unknown, in the employ of Bushell, removing
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 15
with his master to Bristol in 1643. She believed that the
improvement of the Oxford coinage in that year was partly
due to Rawlins, who since 1642 had been engaged in making
war badges for Charles, and partly to Briot, whose special
horse as depicted on his patterns and private coinage at the
Tower, makes its first appearance at Oxford in 1643. By
the help of lantern slides she traced this equestrian figure
from 1630 to 1646.
With regard to York, where B riot's co-operation is technically
manifest, the reader drew attention to the similarity between
his initialled half-crown and the Tower type beginning in
1640, for which, as the King's designer of obverse, he may be
held responsible ; and she referred to some little-known con-
temporary evidence concerning the establishment and locality
of the Civil War mint in the northern city. (This paper
is printed in this volume.) A discussion followed, in which
Mr. Symonds, Mr. Brooke, Colonel Morrieson, and the
President took part.
FEBRUARY 19, 1914.
PERCY H. WEBB, ESQ., Treasurer, in the Chair.
The minutes of the ordinary meeting of January 15 were
read and approved.
Mrs. Sidney Streatfield, Mr. V. B. Crowther-Beynon, and
K. u. K. Eegierungsrat Eduard Fiala were elected Fellows of
the Society.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their
donors : —
1. Academic Royale de Belgique. Bulletin, Nos. 9, 10,
11, 1913.
2. Archaeologia Aeliana. Vol. x.
16 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
3. Chats on Old Coins. By F. W. Burgess. From the
Publishers.
4. International Stamp and Coin Collectors Address Book,
1914. By E. W. Hensinger.
5. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London,
1912-1913.
6. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Vol. xxxii.,
S.C., Nos. 5 to 9.
7. Revue Numismatique. 4th trimestre, 1913.
8. Ri vista Italiana di Numismatica. Pt. iv., 1913.
9. Smithsonian Institution Report, 1912.
Mr. J. G. Milne exhibited specimen types from a hoard of
bronze coins of Temnis, in Aeolis, of the third century B.C.
Mr. P. H. Webb showed a memorial follis of Galerius
Maximianus struck by Maximinus Daza at Alexandria and
another struck by Diocletian at Antioch, and a curious cast
medal of Galba.
Mr. G. F. Hill exhibited a coining press of the reign of
Philip IV of Spain, probably the earliest press that has been
discovered. (See this volume, pp. 90-92.)
Mr. Henry Symonds, F.S.A., gave an account of a find
of Roman coins made over half a century ago at Puncknoll,
in Dorsetshire, and recently presented to the Dorchester
Museum. The coins, which were contained in an earthen jar,
covered the period 253-293 A.D., and were of the Emperors
Gallienus, Postumus, Victorinus, Tetricus I, Claudius II, and
Carausius, and the Empress Salonina. (This paper is printed
in this volume, pp. 92-95.)
Dr. Oliver Codrington, F.S.A., read a paper by Mr. H. W.
Codrington on " Coins of the Kings of Hormuz." After
sketching the history of Hormuz under Muslim and Portu-
guese rule, the reader described a number of the gold coins of
the kings of Hormuz of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
which have been hitherto unknown. Dr. Codrington was also
successful in reading the names of the same kings on a
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 17
number of silver larins which had been struck from the same
dies as the gold coins. (This paper is printed in this volume,
pp. 156-167.)
MARCH 19, 1914.
HENRY SYMONDS, ESQ., F.S.A., Vice-President, in the Chair.
The minutes of the ordinary meeting of February 19 were
read and approved.
Sir Thomas H. Elliot, K.C.B., Captain J. S. Cameron, and
Mr. Sidney W. Grose were elected Fellows of the Society.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their
donors : —
1. Bulletin de la Societe des Antiquaires de 1'Ouest.
Trimestre 3 and 4, 1913.
2. Catalogue of Coins in the Panjab Museum, Lahore. By
R. B. Whitehead. 2 vols. From the Delegates of the
Clarendon Press.
3. Chronique de Numismatique Celtique.
4. Discours de M. A. Blanchet.
5. Notices Extraits de la Chronique de
By A. Blanchet.
From the Author.
la Revue Numismatique.
6. Memoires de la Societe Royale des Antiquaires du
Nord, 1913.
7. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.
Vol. xi.
8. The Canadian Antiquarian. Vol. xi., No. 1.
9. Was there a Kusana Race ? By Baron A. von Stael-
Holstein.
Mr. "W. Gilbert exhibited an unpublished halfpenny token
of " George Smith Cheesmonger over against ye Shippens in
Smithfield."
6
18 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Mr. L. A. Lawrence and Mr. H. B. Earle Fox exhibited
two series of forgeries in illustration of the paper.
Mr. H. B. Earle Fox read a paper on contemporary
forgeries in the English coinage. Contemporary forgeries
went as far back as the art of coinage itself ; in ancient
times it was a common practice for the authorities to issue
a certain proportion of plated coins and enforce their currency
to pay mint expenses. It was impossible to forge the thin
silver coins of the middle ages by plating them, so that the
usual practice was to make them in debased metal. The
reader devoted special attention to the coins of the Edwards
and their forgeries and continental imitations ; the latter were
of importance for dating hoards. Mr. H. B. Earle Fox
concluded his paper with some remarks on modern forgeries
and the points usually overlooked by the forger.
APRIL 16, 1914.
H. B. EARLE Fox, ESQ., Vice-President, in the Chair.
The minutes of the ordinary meeting of March 19 were
read and approved.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their
donors : —
1. Academic royale de Belgique. Bulletins No. 12, 1913 ;
No. 1, 1914.
2. Les Monnaies de Bronze dites incertaines du Pont ou
du Royaume de Mithridate Eupator. By Miss Agnes.
Baldwin. From the Author.
3. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
No. 365.
4. Numismatische Zeitschrift. Heft 1, 1914.
5. Rivista Italiana di Numismatica. Fasc. 1, 1914.
6. Revue Beige de Numismatique. Part 2, 1914.
Mr. H. B. Earle Fox, Mr. L. A. Lawrence, and Mr.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 19
Walters exhibited extensive series of coins in illustration of
the paper to be read.
Mr. F. A. Walters, F.S.A., read his paper on the third and
last period' of the Coinage of the reign of Edward IV, from
1471 to 1483. He showed how there was a special reason for
assigning with certainty the annulet mint-mark to the first
issue after the return of Edward from exile, as it represented
the ring of St. Edward and was the emblem of the Abbey of
Westminster where the Queen and his children had received
sanctuary in his absence. The regular sequence of mint-
marks at the Tower was then traced up to the end of the
reign. It was shown from the mint accounts at the Record
Office that the Royal Mints at Bristol and York continued to
work after the restoration of Edward IV, although only for
a comparatively short time. York only worked for six
months or to September, 1471, and Bristol only fourteen
months or to July, 1472. The amount of bullion coined at
both mints was comparatively small. The sequence of coins
from the Prelatical mints of Canterbury, Durham, and York
was followed through the vicissitudes and changes of the
occupancy of the Sees. (This paper is printed in this
volume.)
MAY 21, 1914.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The minutes of the ordinary meeting of April 16 were read
and approved.
The Rev. Edward H. Sydenham was elected a Fellow of
the Society.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their
donors : —
1. Academic royale de Belgique. Annuaire, 1914.
62
20 PBOCEEDINGS OP THE
2. American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. xviii., Pt. 1.
3. Appunti di Numismatica Romana cix. By F. Gnecchi.
From the Author.
4. Bonner Jahrbiicher. Heft 121, and Beilage.
5. Catalogue of Coins in the Colombo Museum. Part 1.
By H. W. Codrington. From the Author.
6. Catalogue of Greek Coins in the British Museum :
Palestine. By G. F. Hill. From the Trustees of the British
Museum.
7. Imitations Seigneuriales Limbourgeoises du XV. Siecle.
By Vicomte B. de Jonghe. From the Author.
8. Journal of Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.
Vol. xliv., Pt. 1.
9. Horniman Museum. Report for 1913. From the
London County Council.
10. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
Nos. 306 to 369.
11. Note on the Name Kushan. By J. Allan. From the
Royal Asiatic Society.
12. Revue Numismatique. Part 1, 1914.
13. The Name Kushan. By J. F. Fleet. From the Eoyal
Asiatic Society.
14. Zeitschrift fur Numisrnatik. Band xxxi., Heft 3-4.
Messrs. G. C. Brooke and L. G. P. Messenger were ap-
pointed to audit the Society's accounts for 1913—1914.
Sir Arthur J. Evans exhibited the following coins : a new
example of the alteration of a die of a Tarentine coin by the
introduction of a symbol. The coin is a didrachm showing the
horseman with a flowing chlamys and a small pegasos below.
A coin exists (Vlasto Coll.) from the same dies both in its
obverse and reverse, but without the symbol. This is pro-
bably the badge of a new magistrate. The obverse and
reverse types show affinities in the Horsemen, &c., Per. iv.,
Type E. ; a didrachm of Metapontum (head in sphendone,
single drop earring) with inscription OAYA clearly visible
EOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 21
behind the head ; a tetradrachm of Katane with signature
of Prokles beneath the head of Apollo — one other example
is known, in the Luynes Collection ; and a tetradrachm of
Syracuse with the "large head" and M, probably the signa-
ture of Kimon behind. (Cf. Tudeer, Die Tetradrachmenprd-
gung von SyraJcus, 42, PI. iv.) The chariot type here found
in association with this was not known to Tudeer.
Mr. H. B. Earle Fox showed an unpublished copper coin
of the Achaean league of Psophis. Obv. AAEZAN. Rev.
AXAIQN WfcNAIttN.
Mr. P. H. Webb exhibited three bronze coins of
Constantine I, viz. : —
1. Obv.— CONSTANTINVS P F AVG. Bust of Emperor r., un-
draped, and with bare head.
Rev. — SAPIENT PRINCIPIS. Altar surmounted by a bird, to
left of base shield, to right helmet. Across altar, trans-
versely, spear pointing r. upwards.
In exergue R . . . (Rome). Size 13 mm., wt. 0-93
gramme (or allowing for a fracture of the edge, 1 gramme).
(Variety of Cohen 486.)
This coin appears to be of a denomination less than the
nummus of MM. Maurice andDattari (see Num. Chron., 1913,
p. 431), the theoretic weight whereof is 1*44 grammes.
2. Obv. — As above.
Rev. — FVNDAT PACIS. Mars helmeted, semi-nude, walking r.,
holding r. trophy over shoulder ; his 1. hand dragging
small captive after him.
In exergue RS. (Rome). Size 15 mm., wt. 1'36 gramme.
(Cohen 157.)
3. Obv. — As above.
Rev.— GLORIA PER PET. Two victories walking r., between
them a military standard.
In exergue RT. (Rome). Size 15 mm., weight 1'77
gramme. (Cohen 259.)
Mr. G. F. Hill read a paper on " Greek Coins recently
acquired by the British Museum." Among the most notable
22 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
pieces were three coins of Melos from the recent find, with
reverses four-spoked wheel, triskeles, and crescent ; an electrum
coin of Ionia, with obv. Pegasus, rev. two incuse squares ; a
copper coin of Praxippos, king of Lapethus (Cyprus) ; a
tetradrachm of Timarchus, the usurper who ruled in Babylon
in 162 B.C., of which only two other specimens are known;
and a tridrachm of the Barcid coinage of Carthago Nova.
(This paper is printed in this volume, pp. 97-109.)
June 18, 1914.
ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The Minutes of the Annual General Meeting of June 19,
1913, were read and approved.
Messrs. W. Gedney Beattie and L. G. P. Messenger were
appointed scrutineers of the ballot for the ensuing year.
The following Report of the Council was then read to
the meeting : —
The Council have again the honour to lay before you their
Annual Report as to the state of the Royal Numismatic
Society.
It is with deep regret that they have to announce the
death of one Honorary Fellow : —
Dr. Hans Hildebrand,
and of the following four Fellows : —
Thomas Bliss, Esq.
Barclay Vincent Head, Esq., D.C.L., D.Litt., Ph.D.
W. Talbot Ready, Esq.
W. H. Taylor, Esq.
EOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
23
They have also to announce the resignation of the following
six Fellows : —
Cumberland Clark, Esq.
Edward Francklin, Esq.
Edward J. Jekyll, Esq., J.P.,
D.L.
J. Gordon Langton, Esq.,
F.C.A., F.I.S.
A. M. Mitchison, Esq.
R. N. Roskell, Esq.
On the other hand, they have much pleasure in announcing
the Election of the following twelve Fellows : —
H. W. Codrington, Esq.,
M.R.A.S.
V. B. Crowther-Beynon, Esq.
Capt. J. S. Cameron.
Richard Dalton, Esq.
Sir Thomas Elliot, K.C.B.
K.u. K. Regierungsrat Eduard
William Gilbert, Esq.
Sidney William Grose, Esq.,
B.A.
Robert Kerr, Esq., M.A.
Rev. E. H. Sydenham.
Mrs. Sidney Streatfield.
R. James Williams, Esq.
Fiala.
The number of Fellows is, therefore : —
Ordinal
June, 1913 283
Since elected
Deceased
Resigned
285
rdinary.
283
Honorary.
19
Total.
302
12
—
12
295
19
314
4
1
5
6
—
6
18
303
The Council have to announce that they have awarded the
Society's Medal to M. J. N. Svoronos, Keeper of the
National Museum in Athens, in recognition of his dis-
tinguished services to Greek numismatics.
The Hon. Treasurer's Report, which follows, was then laid
before the meeting : —
STATEMENT OF RECEIPTS AND DISBURSE-
FROM JUNE, 1913,
Hr. THE KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY IN ACCOUNT
£ «. d. £ s. d.
To Cost of Chronicle —
Printing . . . . . 218 7 7
Plates and Illustrations . . 70 4 0
288 11 7
To Books, &c. . . 4510'
To Lantern Expenses . . . . • • 797
To Bent and Refreshments 41 11 2
To Sundry Payments 10 7 9
Balance in hand —
General Fund . . . . . . 245 7 5
Eesearch Fund . . . . . 16 1 6
261 8 11
£613 14 10
MENTS OF THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY,
TO JUNE, 1914.
WITH PERCY H. WEBB, HON. TREASURER. Cr.
By Balance in hand —
General Fund
Research Fund
£ s. d. £ i
. 238 18 3
. 14 3 10
*. d
9 1
By Subscriptions. &c. —
2 Life Subscriptions . . . . 31 10 0
212 Ordinary Subscriptions at £1 Is. (less loss
on foreign cheques, &c.) .... 222 1 0
8 Entrance Fees 880
261 19 0
By Sales of Chronicles, &c 63 4 3
By Dividends on Investments —
General Fund . . . . . 33 11 10
Research Fund 1 17 8
35 9 6
£613 14 10
PERCY H. WEBB, Hon. Treasurer.
Audited and found correct,
LEOPOLD G. P. MESSENGER,
GEORGE C. BROOKE,
June 27, 1914.
> Hon. Auditors.
26 PKOCEEDINGS OF THE
The Reports of the Council and of the Treasurer were
adopted on the motion of the President.
The President referred to the great loss sustained by the
Society by the death of Barclay Vincent Head, and moved
that an expression of the Society's sympathy in her bereave-
ment be conveyed to Miss Head.
The President then handed the Society's medal to Mr. Allan
to be forwarded to M. Svoronos, who was unable to be
present, and addressed the meeting as follows : —
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,
My first duty to-day is to present our medal to the
scholar who has been selected by your Council for that dis-
tinction. It is our habit in giving the medal to alternate
between English and foreign numismatists. This year it is
the turn of the latter, and we have selected M. Svoronos,
the Keeper of the great collection of Greek coins at Athens,
for the distinction. The fact that at so young an age he
has been thought worthy of such an honour enhances the
compliment we are paying him. Another reason which
makes his position notable is the fact that he is the first
Greek who has reached the position of authority in the
science of Numismatics which entitles him to rank among
the first exponents of the study. This is a great fact when
we remember what a dominating position Greek coins hold
in the eyes of us all. He began his career as a sub-
ordinate in the Athens Museum, where he worked under
a patient and accurate master, Postolakka. On the latter's
death he succeeded him as Keeper, a position he has filled
with quite remarkable vigour and activity. He began by
uniting the old collection belonging to the University with
the smaller one belonging to the State, and persuaded the
Greek Government to pass a stringent law by which all
coins found in Greece were to be sent to the Museum. The
result of this has been a gigantic growth in the collection,
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 27
making it, so far as Greek Numismatics are concerned, one
of the finest in the world, as it ought to be. One result we
naturally feel to be an embarrassment. It is often said
that it is no use collecting Greek coins in these days because
so few of them come into market. It has been argued that
this is due to few being found. It is rather due to the
leakage from Greece having been largely stopped. This,
again, tempts me to moralize a little ; I often think that
the great museums might help each other more than they
do by the exchange of duplicates. The passion of some
collectors to possess every coin of the same type that exists
and thus to prevent others from securing a specimen is a
miser's instinct, and not a scholar's. Once a collection
has secured an adequate representation of a type surely it
is better to exchange with other collections, and thus to
do homage to the cosmopolitan character of science as repre-
sented by coins. To return to M. Svoronos, we all of us
congratulate him on the mighty collection he presides over,
which contains so many rare prizes, and we congratulate
the Greek nation on having such a fine scholar and fine
courteous gentleman in charge of its numismatic treasures.
His first work was a notable monograph on the Coins of
Crete which received the distinction of being academically
crowned. He has since written a great work in four volumes
on the Coins of the Ptolemies which puts all other works on
that series in the shade. He has translated the Corpus
Numorum of our own Father Anchises Head into Greek,
and is now editing a volume on the Coins of Athens for
the great Corpus of Greek coins published by the Berlin
Academy. In 1898 he founded and has since edited the
Journal International d'Archeologie Numismatique, in which
numerous papers from his pen have appeared. This is a
great deal to have done in so short a space. May he
continue to have the same vigour and the same imaginative
genius (which sometimes runs away with all of us but
28 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
without which our studies are so often mere dust), and may
he found at Athens a school of Greek disciples to help him
to unravel the thousand puzzles and mysteries which are still
hidden in the lovely and illuminating Coinage of Greece.
You will convey our kind thoughts to him, Mr. Allan, and
you will tell him that we English people put at the head
of a long list of our teachers the Greek scholars and school-
masters, Theodore of Canterbury and Hadrian, Abbot of
St. Augustine's, and we at present close the list in one great
field of culture with the name of Svoronos.
Mr. Allan then read the following letter of thanks from
M. Svoronos : —
" DEAR MR. ALLAN,
" The great honour and token of appreciation
conferred on me by the illustrious Royal Numismatic Society
of Great Britain fills me with deepest gratitude no less than
with joy and pride.
" By universal consent the Eoyal Numismatic Society and
the distinguished Department of Coins and Medals in the
British Museum, which is closely linked to it by the bonds
of a common science, constitute the greatest, most distin-
guished, and most erudite centre of numismatic research.
In consequence, it is the highest honour to which a numis-
matist can hope to attain in his lifetime, to be named out
for distinction by those who form the head and centre of
his science. The greatest proof of this are the thanks which
your Society has received from the notable array of univer-
sally reputed scholars who have been thus honoured by you.
The more I am conscious of my own insignificance as com
pared with the greatness of all those whom you have honoured
from 1883 down to the present day, the greater is my
gratitude and pride, most especially as I belong to Greece,
the country which in olden times taught other nations the
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 29
highest civilization, and has left as an heritage the glorious
monuments to which our studies are above all directed.
Greece, once the teacher, is now the pupil, full of ambition
speedily to become the equal of her teachers and worthy of
her ancient glory.
" Hereafter, when I look on the medal which you have con-
ferred on me, I will remember the words of your distin-
guished countryman and our colleague, Arthur Evans, spoken
about the medal of your Society, ' a medal seems to be the
fitting badge of one who has fought a good fight.'
" I would end with this last conceit, and I would request
you, Sir, to act as my mouthpiece, and ask that through the
medium of your eloquence, the warmest expressions of my
deepest gratitude may be conveyed to your distinguished
Society.
" Believe me, Sir,
" Sincerely yours,
(Sig.) "JEAN N. SVORONOS."
The President then delivered the following address : —
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,
According to recent precedent I shall take as read the
obituary notices of those of our Fellows who have left us
recently. Exceptions must be made, however, in the case of
three of them with whom our ties have been the closest. First
among them was my very old friend of many years, Barclay
Head, a singularly charming personality, gentle, urbane, con-
siderate, and kind to everybody, and full of knowledge which
was always at the service of his friends. He was an ideal
numismatist with a remarkable memory and a keen inductive
instinct, and he has greatly enriched the literature of our
science. His monumental work, the Historia Numorum, has
passed through two editions. It is a marvellous monument
of accurate description, lucid arrangement and wide re-
search, and has gained the honour of translation into Greek.
30 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Besides this he wrote many notable papers in our Chronicle,
showing a breadth of sympathy and an amplitude of range
and horizon seldom reached, while eight of the most excellent
7 O
volumes in the great Catalogue of Greek Coins in the British
Museum are from his hand.
How much he was regarded by the distinguished cultivators
of our science may best be gathered from the collection of
Memoirs which were brought together in the Corolla Numis-
matica in honour of him. He was for many years one of the
editors of our Chronicle and, until his health broke down, a
very regular attendant at our meetings. But for this mis-
fortune he would have also sat in this chair, which I did my
best to press upon him when I was constrained by your pres-
sure to undertake a duty for which he and others were so
much better qualified. He has gone away, like many others
who have suffered much here, to the land of peace and sunlight,
and has left us a trail of light to guide our own feet, if we
are disposed like him to cherish modesty and gentleness as
the sovereign virtues of good men.
A very constant attendant at our meetings and our Council
Board, and one who exhibited many rare coins at our table,
and was also a charming personality, was Mr. Thomas Bliss.
We shall greatly miss him. Lastly, another friend of us all,
a remarkable man, Mr. Talbot Ready. Few possessed so
accurate and discriminating an archaeological eye as he did,
and his range was great. He was as acute in discriminating
between false and true in the difficult field of Greek terra-
cottas and Italian fayence as in that of sixteenth-century
medals and the whole field of ancient coins, and was gifted
with a great memory. He also was a gentle and sympathetic
person, always willing to sacrifice his time and to put his
knowledge to the service of others. The British Museum and
its coin room will miss him greatly ; with him disappears the
last representative of the great firm of Rollin and Feuardent
in London, and a notable figure among our friends.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 31
Another successful year has been added to the now vener-
able age of this Society which for so long collected round its
hospitable table all the serious students of Numismatics in
this realm. Since our last Annual Gathering our meetings
have been well attended, our discussions have been animated
and profitable, the papers contributed to our Journal have
more than reached the level of former years, our family affairs
have been conducted, I hope, with marked friendliness and
good humour, and our intercourse with our younger rival,
which also shows proof of marked vitality, has been friendly
and sympathetic. All this, I think, you will agree with
me, is a pleasant retrospect for us all, and for no one more so
than for the present occupant of this chair. You have con-
tinuously treated him with much cordiality and kindness and
with much consideration for shortcomings. I hope he may
have partially succeeded in any efforts he may have made to
help you according to his opportunities and gifts to maintain
peace at home and abroad, to encourage the shy and timid
to make their voices heard, and perhaps also to widen the
scope of our science by reminding you betimes that we are
historians as well as collectors and cataloguers of coins, and
that we have the duty (here at all events) of studying and
analysing the coinage of the whole world and not merely of
limiting ourselves to our domestic issues. If in this work I
have in any way gained your approval I can only say that the
reason for any success in the effort has been due really to the
loyalty and, may I say, affectionate ties which have bound us
all together, and which have not even led you to reprove and
resent occasional digressions into the fields of playfulness
which from primeval times have been found useful in watering
the arid sands of science. Ladies and gentlemen, the time
has come for me to quit this chair. It ought to have come
before and would have done so if we had not had to steer
through some shoals and rocks, which perhaps needed the
quality of tact rather than any endowment of wisdom. I am
32 PBOCEEDINGS OF THE
strongly of opinion that it is only exceptional circumstances
which can justify so long a term as I have had in the Presi-
dency. It is good for the Society and for Numismatics that
its Presidential chair should pass on at shorter intervals from
one of its Fellows to another so that fresh minds and fresh
ideas should be put at its service, .and it is fortunate indeed
that we should have so many among us whose gifts and
qualities so eminently fit them for the position and notably
their possessing a commanding and wide knowledge of the
science of Numismatics, which I cannot pretend to rival. My
own role in life has been that of an historian who has used
coins galore in his work and who in his heart loves coins as
historical documents of the first class rather than as a syste-
matic numismatist loves them. It is pleasant indeed for me
to find myself succeeded by one whom I have known intimately
and have greatly regarded since he was a boy. He has made
himself famous in more fields of archaeology than one, and as
a numismatist has written monographs of the first quality.
Lastly, he has another special qualification for this post,
namely, that he is a famous collector and has put his collec-
tions, and will, I know, put them often again, at the service of
the Society. I wish him every success, and I know that you
will be as kind to him as you have been to me. It is pleasant,
ladies and gentlemen, to be able to sing my " Nunc Dimittis "
with these thoughts and these words.
Let me now turn from personal matters to others more
interesting. Last year I ventured to bring before you the
question of the two Numismatic Societies uniting in one effort
to bring out a new edition of Ruding's Annals, which should
incorporate the great mass of documents which have turned
up since the last edition and also include a complete corpus
of English coins up to date. The project was approved by
unanimous votes in both societies, whose members considered
that their country which is so rich in numismatists and so rich
in documents should not be behind France, Italy, and Spain,
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 33
in having a more or less complete and up-to-date monograph
on its coins. The matter has been delayed by accident, but I
hope that it will take a practical start in the course of next
year, and that the opportunity of utilizing the phenomenal
number of skilled English numismatists who are now available
will not be lost.
It is a satisfaction to us all, I am sure, that the British
Museum has after much delay initiated a series of volumes
on the English coins later than the Conquest in the National
Collection by a volume now in progress on the coinage of
the Norman Kings. This is being edited with skilled and
learned scholarship by Mr. Brooke, whose presence at our
meetings is as welcome to those who love the sunshine as to
those who wish English coins to be treated according to the
very latest methods of analysis. We all hope he may live to
see the whole English series through.
Mr. Hill, who now presides over the Coin Department of
the British Museum with so much accurate and far-reaching
knowledge and taste, has brought out a volume of the highest
interest to historians as well as coin-men, namely, a catalogue
of the very rich collection of Jewish Coins in the Museum,
which is now by far the most important in the world. The
series of coins there described is naturally attractive to a
public outside that of regular numismatists. It is a difficult
series to arrange and not attractive artistically, and the fine
and illuminating memoir on it by Madden has naturally
become largely obsolete. I need not say that the work is
admirably done. This does not mean that every one will
agree svith the author in all matters; our Fellow, Mr. Rogers,
who is quoted several times in it, I believe has other views on
some details. It would make Numismatics a forlorn study if
its puzzles and problems were to be finally exhausted by any
inquirer, however skilled. What we want and what we value
far beyond any final decision on difficulties and ambiguities
in matters of detail is the presence in such works as this of
c
34 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
the scientific method and precision at their best in describing
the style of the coins, the meaning of the types and also the
wide knowledge of the literature of the subject, and this I
think you will agree that you are pretty sure to find at least
in the later volumes of the Museum Catalogues and notably
in that edited by Mr. Hill.
In looking through the pages of this and other Catalogues
of the Greek Series, one thing which has often struck me as
not quite logical or illuminating is the arrangement of the two
great series of classical coins. I am speaking now as a pro-
fessed historian whose work has necessitated a continual use
of coins as witnesses of the best kind and not as a systematic
cataloguer of coins, and my purpose is the facilitating of the
use of coins for historical study and not the convenience of
finding coins in a series of cabinets.
I have always felt that the coinage of the later Roman
Republic and the Empire has been arranged and catalogued
rather in the interest of the coin-man than the historian — that
is to say, rather in the interests of those who are engaged in
analysing the various issues by particular mints than accord-
ing to the strictly historical needs of the student. Let me be
more precise and concrete. When I am writing a monograph
on a Roman Emperor I want to know and to study all available
materials for his history, including the coins he has issued.
I want to know where and when he struck coins and what
those coins have to say about him and the period when he
reigned, and to illustrate that reign, by all the information
which can be gathered from coins about the local magistracy,
the religious rites, the special gods worshipped, the records of
victories, the commemoration of the dignities held by himself
and his family, &c. The separate history of each particular
mint from its rise to its fall is an interesting study, but
nothing like so important as the utilization of coins to
illustrate a particular epoch. By the method of arranging
the coins of the Empire, which prevails among numismatists,
EOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 35
that important series is sharply divided into two entirely
different classes described in different volumes by different
men. Those with Latin inscriptions and struck at European
mints are put together under the Emperor in whose reign
they were struck and arranged under his name geographically
and also chronologically. You do not take all the coins
issued at Siscia or London or Tarragona respectively and
put them all together in a continuous series, under each of
their mint groups, but you distribute them among the various
Emperors who issued them. When we turn, however, to the
coins struck by the same Emperors or during their reigns by
the subject towns, which are inscribed not in Roman letters
but in Greek or Aramaic or Jewish letters and coined in the
Eastern dominions of the Empire, they are treated in an
entirely different way. The coins are then treated not as
local issues of one Imperial master, but as the successors of
the autonomous series of the mint towns which were struck
before the Romans became their masters, and are scattered
through endless volumes and pages of the Catalogues of the
Greek series, and can only be discovered by hunting for each
coin individually, at a great loss of time and temper by those
who have a vast mass of literature to read through in their
work beside coins. Why a coin of Hadrian, for instance,
struck at Rome, or Lyons, or Treves should be catalogued
under the coins of Hadrian while the coins of the same
Emperor struck at Ephesus, or Miletus, or Philippi, should
not even be mentioned in treating of the coinage of his reign,
passes my comprehension. The fact that the inscriptions on
the coins of Hadrian are written in different alphabets and
languages does not affect the first element in them, namely,
that they are coins of Hadrian. The series of his coins
enables us to understand better than any of his monuments,
the extent of his empire, the vast and wide-reaching activities
of that very ideal and gifted ruler, the changes made in
his reign and the local officers he employed. I mention
36 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Hadrian because probably the most interesting of his labours
were what he did in the eastern parts of his dominion and
especially in the Greek world which he so greatly cherished,
but the same argument applies to many other Roman
Emperors. It is quite true that in all sciences you have
overlaps and that you have to treat the same facts from two
or more points of view ; that for different purposes you want to
know the history of all the issues of a particular mint as well
as all the issues of a particular Emperor. The ideal system
would no doubt be to have a double catalogue. This ideal
standard, however, like most ideal things, including men and
women, is practically unattainable and the question remains,
which is the most useful method of arrangement in cataloguing
coins ; to treat them as historical monuments or as the different
kinds of local money, a point on which the numismatist and
the historian would probably not agree. I should like to
suggest a compromise. There is a plan which was followed
by the older numismatists and which was also followed
partially and imperfectly in later times in Babelon's Cata-
logues, which would, if more elaborately carried out, meet
the difficulty I am mentioning. I tried to persuade my friend
Grueber to adopt it in his learned work on the Coinage of
Republican Rome, which is a vast magazine of information
on a difficult and involved subject. The plan I would
suggest, which might perhaps be adopted in the volumes
dealing with the Imperial series, is to put at the end of
the coinage of each emperor an alphabetical list of all the
known so-called Greek Imperial coins struck in the reign with
a reference in each case to the volume of the Greek series or
the monograph or treatise where each coin has been described
and is discussed in detail. May I commend the suggestion to
my friends Mr. Hill and Mr. Mattingly, the latter of whom
is preparing the first volume of the Roman Imperial Series.
In default of this solution could not one of them give us
a special volume containing a list of Imperial Greek coins
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 37
arranged under Emperors? I know nothing that could be
more welcome to the serious students of Roman history and
that is more needed. As I am on the subject of catalogues,
may I venture to depart again from the conventional methods
of my predecessors in this chair and to say something on
another aspect of the question. When you have to face the
stupendous task of cataloguing such a collection of coins, for
instance, as that in the British Museum, it is difficult to
know where to begin and what series to select for cataloguing.
The usual solution in such cases1 has been to start at some
arbitrary point and to drive along the level road that leads
from the beginning of the series to the end. This is perhaps
the best plan for the cataloguers, but it may not be the best
plan for the historian and the man who has his eye on the
whole known series, whether in any particular museum or not.
To me it is better that a series which interests me and would
help me in my work should be published in my lifetime rather
than a hundred years hence. It seems to me therefore that
in cataloguing a great collection of coins those series should
be first attacked which have been hitherto neglected, and on
which no modern or tolerable monograph exists, especially in
English ; secondly, those in which the particular museum is
most rich, and in which therefore the catalogue will most
completely cover the whole subject of the series ; and thirdly,
those in which there happens to be the greatest number of
students who need help and assistance from such a catalogue,
and whom it is our duty to assist.
Let me be more concrete. I will illustrate my meaning by
the Indian series in the Museum. The Coinages of India
before the Mohammadan conquest have been the object of
assiduous attention and work in endless memoirs in the trans-
actions of the Bengal and Bombay Societies, and in the works
of Thomas, Prinsep, Cunningham, Rapson, Vincent Smith, &'c.,
and may be said to be very well known. Two volumes
dealing with the subject have appeared among the recent
c'2
38 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
British Museum Catalogues— one by Rapson on the Andhra
and Ksatrapa Coins, and the other by Allan, which was
recently published, on the Gupta Coins, both of them models
of the best kind and both of them much needed. The next
series to be treated, if the whole Indian Coinage is to be
treated from end to end continuously, would bring us to the
pre-Mohammadan coins of Hindustan and its border, a sub-
ject upon which nearly everything that is known at present
is available in the works above mentioned.
On the other hand, there are two series which loudly cry
for consideration at an early date, and for different reasons.
The first is the Sassanian Coinage. I must not enlarge to
any one who has studied Eastern history (I spent thirty
years at it myself) on the very important part played by the
famous dynasty of Sasan, the successors of the Parthians, and
the predecessors of the Arabs as the masters of Persia and
Central Asia. They had an immense influence on the
renascence of Zoroastrianism and on the literature and the
arts of the east in the pre-Mohammadan times, an influence
which has been shown by Stein and others to have penetrated
to the very borders of China.
We know from other sources how it also greatly affected
the arts and especially the coinage of India, where several
series are directly derived in their types from the Sassanian
coins. It is quite lamentable that under these circumstances
there should be no monograph of any kind available in
English or in any continental language except Russian
dealing with the series. In English my old friend Thomas
half a century or more ago did some excellent work on
some of the Sassanian coins, as you may see by turning to
the older numbers of the Chronicle, but nothing whatever
adequate or approaching adequacy exists in English. If you
add to this that the British Museum is most exceptionally
rich, probably by far the richest, of any coin collection in the
Sassanian series, you may combine some excellent reasons for
EOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 39
cataloguing it as soon as may be. These reasons become
almost dramatic when you happen to have a particularly
gifted person for this kind of work available in my versatile
friend Allan. It rather strengthens my plea that Mr. Hill
is at this moment attacking a very difficult and to myself
and others most important series in view of the historical
puzzles to be unravelled, which is really a kind of complement
of the later Parthian and of the Sassanian series, and deals
with the later Aramaic coinages of Mesopotamia, Persis,
Idumaea, &c., which have been the subject matter of many
polemics. This volume will fill an almost absolute void in
our own numismatic literature.
Let us now say a word or two about another side of the
cataloguing question. In olden days it has been the custom
to buy coins largely for the National Collection in order not
so much to fill gaps everywhere, as to strengthen the
particular series in process of being catalogued. This is not
a bad plan, when as unfortunately happens too often in
English Museums the Treasury grant is so miserably insuffi-
cient, but there are limits to it. My own view is that it is
far more important for students that the Museum should com-
plete those series as far as it can in which it is most rich rather
than those in which it is most poor. It is where the finest
collections exist that the student will naturally turn for his
best help, and we ought to make his path as easy as we can
by making the already rich collection as complete as we can.
Lastly, there is the question of reprinting catalogues. The
fact that a catalogue is out of print is the best proof of the
number of people who have found it useful, and the best
excuse for reprinting it. This is not the only reason, however.
There are some others sometimes which are even more pressing.
Take the so-called Indo-Bactrian and Indo-Scythian Series.
Thanks to the almost unparalleled generosity of my old friend
and master, General Cunningham, the British Museum col-
lection, which was formerly deemed very rich, has been more
40 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
than doubled. It is now quite beyond the reach of competition
and very nearly complete. No work is crying louder for re-
publication than a new edition of the volume dealing with this
series and incorporating Cunningham's additions, which as I
have said have more than doubled it. It is due to his memory
and to the obligations many of us owe to him that this work
should be done before long. It ought indeed to have been
done years ago, not merely on grounds of affectionate loyalty
to one of the Great Masters in our science, but to the very
great importance of the series in illustrating the art, my-
thology, and history of our great dependency and its border
lands, including Parthia. A similar need has been felt by
many of us for a reprint of the early volumes of the Greek
Catalogue, especially that dealing with the coins of Italy, the
Museum series of which has been greatly enlarged since the
Catalogue was made. Apart from this, that volume in method,
in illustrations, and otherwise is now quite obsolete, while the
series of coins comprised in it is itself of surpassing value in
solving the paradoxes of early Italian history.
I have to apologize for devoting this address to certain
practical everyday and pressing matters connected with our
studies rather than to an account of the recent literature of
Numismatics, which would have been really " chewing the
cud " and repeating an old story already known to you. It
is not indeed easy to find a subject for an address like this
which is not stale and otiose. You will pardon me if I have
failed to interest you. In conclusion, let me once more thank
you all for the many happy hours I have spent with you in
this room, for your consideration and patience and urbanity.
May all the pleasant things which kind thoughts can suggest
attend you and all you love best. Lastly, let me commend
you as a parting gift some lines of an old writer whom I
greatly love, Sir Thomas Browne. They have a scent of
rosemary and lavender about them, and embody the thoughts
I would leave with you. He was not a very orthodox person,
EOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 41
but his fine words may help to lift students like ourselves to
a higher plane, which science with all its great achievements
is apt to blind us to. " There is no sanctum sanctorum in
philosophy," he says, "the world was made to be inhabited
by beasts, but studied and contemplated by man ; 'tis the
debt of our reason we owe unto God, and the homage that
we pay for not being beasts. The wisdom of God receives
small honour from those vulgar heads that rudely stare about,
and with a gross rusticity admire his works. Those highly
magnify Him whose judicious inquiry into His arts, and
deliberate research into His creation, return the duty of a
devout and learned admiration. Therefore
" ' Search while thou wilt ; and let thy reason go
To ransom truth, e'en to the abyss below.
Rally the scattered causes, and that line
Which Nature twists be able to untwine.
* * * * »
Give thou my reason that instructive flight
Whose weary wings may on thy hands still light.
Teach me to soar aloft, yet ever so
When near the sun to stoop again below.
Thus shall my humble feathers safely hover
And though near earth more than the heavens discover,
And then at last, when homeward I shall drive
Rich with the spoils of nature to my hive,
There will I sit, like that industrious fly,
Buzzing thy praises ; which shall never die
Till death abrupts them, and succeeding glory
Bids me go on in a more lasting story.' "
The President then announced the result of the ballot for
office-bearers for 1914-1915 as follows : —
President.
SIR ARTHUR J. EVANS, P.S.A., M.A., D.Lrrr., LL.D.,
PH.D., F.R.S.
Vice-Presidents.
H. B. EARLE Fox, ESQ.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A.
42 PROCEEDINGS OF THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
Treasurer.
PERCY H. WEBB, ESQ.
Secretaries.
JOHN ALLAN, ESQ., M.A., M.R.A.S.
FREDERICK A. WALTERS, ESQ., F.S.A.
Foreign Secretary.
GEORGE FRANCIS HILL, ESQ., M.A.
Librarian.
OLIVER CODRINGTON, ESQ., M.D., F.S.A., M.R.A.S.
Members of the Council.
G. C. BROOKE, ESQ., B.A.
Miss HELEN FARQUHAR.
HERBERT A. GRUEBER, ESQ., F.S.A.
W. J. HOCKING, ESQ.
L. A. LAWRENCE, ESQ., F.S.A.
J. GRAPTON MILNE, ESQ., M.A.
REV. ROBERT SCOTT MYLNE, M.A., B.C.L., F.S.A.
F. W. VOYSEY PETERSON, ESQ., B.C.S. (retd.)
EDWARD SHEPHERD, ESQ.
HENRY SYMONDS, ESQ., F.S.A.
A vote of thanks to the President was moved by Mr.
H. B. Earle Fox and seconded by Mr. Hill.
XIII.
THE SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA.
(See Plates XVI.-XVIII.)
THE following paper deals only with the main silver
series struck at Smyrna — the tetradrachms and drachms
of Attic weight issued during the second and first
centuries B.C. In these two series it is possible, by
comparison of the dies, to ascertain with a reasonable
degree of probability the sequence of the magistrates
responsible for the coins ; and they therefore offer the
best starting-point for an attempt to classify chrono-
logically the whole of the autonomous issues. In a
future paper I hope to deal with the much more plenti-
ful, but more puzzling, bronze coinage. For the present
also the other issues of silver — Sir Hermann Weber's
tetradrachm of Kolophonian types, the tetradrachms of
Lysimachos and of the Alexandrine series, and the
cistophori — are left aside, together with the solitary
issue of gold.
In the list of coins given are included and numbered
all the specimens of which I have been able to obtain
casts or to see satisfactory reproductions. A few others
are noted which are mentioned in catalogues but are
not figured. In some cases I have suggested the identity
of a specimen described in one catalogue with another
of the same types, from the same dies, and of the same
NUM. CHKON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. U
274 .1. G. INILNE.
weight, described elsewhere ; but I have added a mark
of interrogation except where I could get a definite
statement of the identity.
The tetradrachms fall into three series, distinguished
by the types of the reverse, the obverse type remaining
the same throughout. There is no change in the types
of the drachms, which range with the second and third
series of the tetradrachms.
FIRST SERIES: TETRADRACHMS.
Obv. — Head of Kybele (or Amazon Smyrna as city goddess)
r., wearing crown of three turrets ; hair knotted
behind and fallin in two locks.
Rev. — JY/Ak. and monogram below ; whole in oak-wreath.
k.
NAIQN
1. AKIST(ION ?).
(a) London (B. M. G. 3) : 33 mm., 16-44 grins.
(1) Petrogracl : 34 mm., 16-20 grms.
(c) Paris (Waddington 1929) : 33 mm., 15-97 grms.
(<l) E. F. Weber sale (lot 2942): 36 mm.,
15-97 grms.
2. POSEIDONIOS.
(a) Berlin (Inihoof) : 33 mm., 15-88 grms. (6) Berlin
(Lobbecke) : 35 mm., 16-26 grms. (c) Brussels
(C. H.): 35 mm., 16-63 grms. (d) Oxford
(Bodley Greek 767) : 35 mm., 16-58 grins,
(e) Paris (4156) : 35 mm. (/) J. G. Milne :
34 mm., 15-64 grins, (edge cut). (<j) J. G.
Milne (== Hirsch's sale 17/11/13, lot 845):
33 mm., 15-85 grms. (h) Berlin duplicates sale
(lot 487) : 33 mm., 15-9 grms. (f) Carfrae sale
(lot 260); 35 mm., 16-0 grms. (/) Montagu
sale (lot 583) : 33 mm., 16-26 grms.
THE SILVER COINAGE OF SMYKNA. 275
3. MENEKKATES.
(a) Berlin (Ace. 28786) : 35 mm., 16-02 grms.
(6) London (B. M. G. 4) : 35 mm., 16-62 grms.
(c) Naples (8180) : 34 mm., 16-62 grms. (d)
Rhousopoulos sale (lot 3775) : 35-5 mm., 16' 53
grms. (e) Hirsch's sale 17/11/13 (lot 844)
(? = Prowe sale 1914, lot 1021) : 36 mm., 16-52
grms.
4. ZOPYROS?
(a) Glasgow (Hunter cat. 1) : 34 mm., 16-61 grms.
(b) Hague : 33 mm., 16-1 grms. (c) Paris (de
Luynes 2286) : 34 mm., 16-30 grms. (d) Petro-
grad : 34 mm., 16-65 grms. (e) M. R.
Jameson : 34 mm., 16-67 grms. (/) Sir H.
Weber: 33 mm., 16-71 grms. (g) J. G. Milne
(= Benson sale lot 690) : 34 mm., 15-38 grms.
(h) Philipsen sale (lot 2212) : 37 mm., 15-48
grms. (i) Hess's sale 7/10/07 (lot 750): 37
mm., 15-85 grms. (/) Prowe sale 1914 (lot
1022) : 35 mm., 15-30 grms.
[Lot 198 of the Bunbury sale, catalogued as
"monogram of TEY " — weight 16-07 grms. —
presumably belonged to this type ; as it was not
illustrated, its further identification is impracti-
cable.]
5. METRODOROS.
(a) Cambridge (Leake suppl.) : 32 mm., 16-15 grms.
(b) Glasgow (Hunter cat. 2) : 33 mm., 16'41 grms.
(c) Delbeke sale (lot 194) (1 — Merzbacher's sale
15/11/10, lot 708) : 37 mm., 16-26 grms.
[There is a specimen of this type in the McClean
collection at Cambridge — weight 14-41 grms. —
which appears to be a cast from the Leake coin
— No. 5 (a) — in the same cabinet. The Vienna
cabinet has a forgery, with the monogram of the
same form as (c) — No. 15771, weight 17'67 grms. ;
another specimen of this forgery, from the same
dies, is at Naples — No. 8181, weight 18-5 grms.]
U2
276 J. G. MILNE.
The obverse dies used in this series occur as follows :
A. 1 (a) [PL XVI.], (6), (c), (d), [(c) and (d) same rev.
. die] ; 2 (6), (c), (e), (g), (/*), (,/), [(e) and (g) same rev.
die]; 3 (a), (6), (c), (e).
B. 2 (a), (d) [PI. XVI.]-
C. 2 (/) [PL XVL], (0.
D. 3(d);4(c)[Pl. XVI.], (d), (» ; 5 (&).
E. 4 (a) [PL XVI.], for) ; 5 (a). «
F. 4 (6).
G. 4 (e) [PL XVI.], (A).
H. 4 (/) [PL XVL], (*) [same rev. die].
I. 5 (c) [PL XVL] .
There is no great difficulty in determining the order
in which the magistrates of this series should be placed.
From a comparison of the casts of the various specimens
it is quite clear that, in the case of the coins struck from
die A, the examples of type 1 are earliest in date ; on
those of types 2 and 3 slight flaws in the die appear,
which are rather more marked in type 3 than in type 2.1
The order of these three magistrates is therefore fairly
certain. The use of die D gives a connexion for types 3,
4, and 5. I have not got a cast of the coin 3 (d), but,
so far as can be judged from the illustration in the
Uhousopo'ulos sale catalogue, it was struck before the
examples of types 4 and 5 which are from the same die.
In the case of the coins from dies D and E, those of
type 4 are clearly earlier than those of type 5.
As regards the resolution of the monograms, those on
1 This obverse die seems to have beeii an exceptionally strong one ;
it occurs in conjunction with no less than twelve reverse dies, which is
double the number found in the case of any other die of Smyruaean
silver. At Alexandria in the time of Tiberius the life of obverse dies
used for striking billon tetradrachms seems to have been on an
average between seven and eight times the length of that of reverse
dies (sec Num. Chron., 1910, p. 338).
THE SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA. 277
types 2, 3, and 5 are probably to be taken as no<m<Wtou,
MewK/oaroue, and M JJTJOO&^OOU ; that of type 1 is obviously
'Api(rr( ), but it is open to doubt what the termination
should be. These four names all occur on the bronze
coins of a series which on other grounds can be regarded
as about contemporary with "this series of tetradrachms.
Unfortunately the name of 'A/otor( ) is given on the
bronze coins also in this abbreviated form. The mono-
gram of type 4 is more puzzling ; but, if it represents
the name of any magistrate who is found in the same
series of bronze coins as the other four, the only such
name which fits it at all closely is ZwirvpoQ or '/Mirvpimv,
one or other of which is presumably to be found in the
abbreviated Z<I>TTI»( ) of the bronze.
SECOND SERIES: TETRADRACHMS AND
DRACHMS.
Tetradrachms.
Obv. — As last series.
Itev. — Lion standing r., 1. forepaw raised ; above,
IMYPNAIQN (sometimes in two lines) ; below,
magistrate's name (sometimes with title, pa-
tronymic, epithet, or monogram) ; whole in oak-
wreath (monogram or title occasionally outside
wreath).
Drachms.
Obv. — Head of Apollo r., laureate ; hair knotted behind
and falling in two or three formal curls.
Rev. — Homer seated 1. on low throne, wearing himation,
resting chin on r. hand and holding roll in 1. ;
staff over r. shoulder ; in field r. y, IMYPNAIQN,
1. >Jf, magistrate's name (sometimes with title or
epithet ; occasionally monogram in exergue).
It is possible to divide this series into three groups on
278 J. G. MILNE.
considerations of style, helped by die connexions. The
characteristics of each group will be dealt with in the
notes following the catalogue of the coins. It may also
be remarked here that while in the first group the
magistrate's name is given alone, in the second and
third it usually has some dfstinguishing epithet or other
adjunct.
First Group.
6. APOLLODOTOS.
Tetr. AflOAAO (a) Berlin (Lobbecke) : 33
AOTOZ ram., 16-45 grrns. (b)
London (B. M. C. 5):
34 mm., 16-59 grins.
[There was a specimen
of this type in the Pro we
sale 1914, lot 1023—
.">5 mm., 16'10 grms. ; it
was not illustrated in
the catalogue.]
Dr. AflOAAOAOTOZ (a) Paris (de Luynes 2289):
22 mm., 3*90 grms.
(ft) Dr. Jrnhoof-Blumer :
21 mm., 4'01 grms.
(y) Prowe sale 1914 (lot
1027): 20 mm., 3'96
grms.
7. APOLLOPHANES.
Tetr. AnOAAO*A (a) Hague: 35 mm., 1(5-6 grms.
NHS (b) London (= Montagu
sale 1896, lot 585): 34
mm., 15-29 grms. (c)
Vienna (17570): 35mm.,
16-51 grms.
(NAIQN) ^ Brussels (C' H'} : 35 mm"
16- 16 grms.
Dr. AnOAAO<t>A (a) Berlin (Irnhoof) : 19 mm.,
NHZ 3-71 grms.
THE SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA. 279
8. HERAKLEIDES.
Teh: HPAKAEIAHZ (a) Hague : 34mm., 16-6 grms.
(b) J.G. Milne (=Butler
sale, lot 241): 34 mm.,
16-21 grms. (<•) Prowe
sale 1914 (lot 1024):
35 mm., 16-37 grms.
9. MOSCHOS.
Tetr. MOZXOZ (a) Brussels (A. F.) : 35 mm.,
16-01 grms. (b) Cam-
bridge (Leake) : 33 mm..
16-8 grms.
/IMYP \ (r) Paris (Waddington 1935) ;
VNAinNJ 35 mm., 16-06 grms.
(d) E. F. Weber sale (lot
2943) (= Cumberland
Clark sale, lot 233, and
? Merzbacher's sale
15/11/10, lot 709): 34
mm., 16-12 grms.
[There was a specimen
of this type in the Bor-
rell sale, lot 196—16-79
grms. — which is perhaps
the one now at Cam-
bridge ; also one in the
Dryasdust sale 1869,
lot 261, 35 mm., 16-26
grms.]
Dr. MOZXOZ (a) Vienna (17573): 18 mm.,
3-98 grins. (ft) E. F.
Weber sale (lot 2945) :
1 7 mm., 3-95 grms.
10. KTOUPON.
Tetr. KTOYnnN (a) Cambridge (McClean) : 33
mm., 16-54 grms.
280
J. G. MILNE.
11. PHANES.
Tetr. *ANHZ /IMYP\ (a) Copenhagen : 33 mm., 16-6
^NAIQNy srms.
Dr. c|>ANHZ
(a) Berlin (Fox): 19mm., 3- 1:5
grms. [broken], (ft) Paris
(Waddington 1939): 19
mm., 3-77 grms. [broken].
12. NlKOSTEATOS.
Tetr.
NIKOZTPA / IMYP \
TOZ VNAION/
Dr. NIKOZTPA
TOZ
Berlin (Ace. 28832) : 31
mm., 16-46 grms. (b)
Ha<
;ue
erms.
31 mm., 16-2
(c) Paiis (Wad-
dington 1936) : 30 mm.,
15-98 grms. (d) Vienna
(33941 )(?= E.F.Weber
sale, lot 2944) : 31 mm.,
16-14 grms. (e) J. G.
Milne (= Benson sale,
lot 689, and ?Bunbury
sale, lot 199) : 33 mm.,
16-19 grms. (/) H. P.
Smith sale (lot 255)
(= "White King sale, lot
231) : 31 mm., 16-39
grms.
(a) London (Lennep, 1894) :
20 mm., 4-07 grms.
13. LEOKRATES.
Tetr. AEQKPA / IMYP \ (a) Berlin (Liibbecke) : 32
THZ VNAIQNy' mm., 16'87 grms. (b)
Paris (Waddington
1933): 33 mm., 16-17
grms.
The following list shows the occurrence of obverse
dies in this group. It will be noted that the two first
THE SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA. 281
on the list of tetradrachin dies were previously used for
coins of the first series.
Trtradrachm*.
F. 0 (a), (b) [PI. XVI.], [apparently same rev. die, which
Avas slightly recut for (ft)] ; 7 (1), (r), (d), [(/>) and
(c) same rev. die].
H. 7 (a).
J. 8 (a), (b), (c), [(b) and (<•) same rev. die] ; 9 (b)
[PI. XVI.], (d).
K. 9 (a) [PI. XVI.], (c).
L. 10 (a) [PI. XVI.]; 11 (a).
M. 12 (a) [PI. XVII.], (/>), (c), (rf), (c), (/), [(ft) and (c),
and (d) and (e), same rev. dies].
N. 115 (a) [PI. XVII.], (ft).
Drachms.
a. 6 (a), (ft) [PI. XVIII.], (y) [all same rev. die] ; 7 (a) ;
9 (a), ((3) fsame rev. die] ; 11 (a), (ft) [same rev.
die].
ft. 12 (a) [PI. XVIII.].
The order of the first six magistrates of this group
is definitely shown by die connexions. Apollodotos,
Apollophanes, Moschos, and Phanes all used the same
obverse die for their drachms ; and a comparison of the
state of the die in the various coins points to the
succession being as given. Apollodotos and Apollo-
phanes are also proved to come at the beginning of the
group by their use of dies F and H, inherited from the
previous series. Die F was used by both, showing
more signs of wear in the coins of Apollophanes ; die
H seems to have been left aside during the term of
Apollodotos and to have been brought out again by
his successor. Herakleides apparently did not strike
drachms ; but he can be interpolated in the list by the
282 J. G. MILNE.
evidence of die J, which he used in common with
Moschos. Both the coins of Moschos struck from this
die show a flaw between the two front turrets of the
crown, which does not appear in the coins of Herakleides.
Herakleides, therefore, preceded Moschos, but probably
came after Apollodotos and Apollophanes, and had a
new die made to replace the old ones F and H used by
his predecessors. Ktoupon is similarly brought into the
list on the evidence of die L, which he seems, so far as
can be judged from the coins, to have used before
Phanes. Up to this point all the obverse dies of the
group show such close likeness in artistic treatment that
they may reasonably be supposed to have been engraved
by the same hand ; and this may equally be said of the
reverse dies, with the exception of that of Phanes,
which looks to be the work of an inferior artist. The
position of Nikostratos and Leokrates is more uncertain,
since they did not use the same dies as any other magis-
trates ; but the resemblance of the style of their obverse
dies to that of the rest of the group is so close as to
justify their being placed here ; and the general treat-
ment of the reverses is also similar. These two should
probably be put together at the end of the group, and
not interpolated anywhere between Apollodotos and
Phanes ; their coins are struck on flans which are on the
average of distinctly smaller size than those of the
magistrates already discussed, which gives a presumption
that they are later, as the general tendency of the silver
in this series shows a gradual diminution in size of flan ;
also Nikostratos struck drachms, for which he did not
use the same obverse die which had served all the
magistrates who issued drachms down to Phanes. The
relative position of the two is uncertain ; Nikostratos
THE SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA.
283
may have preceded Leokrates, or vice versa ; at present
there is no evidence to show which was the earlier.
Second
14. DIONYSIOS.
Tetr. AIONYZIOZ
BA YZ
/ IMYP \
\ NAIQN/
(a) Berlin (Prokesch-
Osten) : 33 mm.,
16-37 grms. (6)
Glasgow (Hunter
cat. 3) : 30 mm.,
16-87 grms. (<•)
Hague : 31 mm.,
16-35 grms. (rf)
London (Lambros,
1894): 31 mm.,
16-56 grms. (e)
Paris (de Luynes
2287) : 31 mm.,
16-67 grms. (f)
J. G. Milne
( = Sotheby's sale
3/4/14, lot 64) :
33 mm., 16-45
grms. (<j) Philip-
sen sale (lot 22 13):
31 mm., 16-70
grms.
15. POLYNIKOS.
Tetr. nOAYNIKOZ / IMYPNAIX
bel°W \(
wreath!
(a) Berlin (Imhoof) : 29
mm., 16-75 grms.
(fe)Vienna(35306):
29 mm., 14-83
grms.
16. METRODOROS.
Tetr. MHTPOAOPOZ
below I
wreath/ **
(a) Cambridge (Mc-
Clean) : 33 mm.,
16'41 grms.
284 J. G. MILNE.
17. HEBAKLEIDES.
Tetr. HPAKA6IAHZ (a) London (B. M. C. 6) :
29 ram., 16-84
grins. (1) I'aris
(4159) : Itt inm.
(c)Vienna(15772):
30 mm., 16-67
grms. (d) Prowe
sale 1914 (lot
1025) : 32 mm.,
16-39 grins.
[Lot 259 of the
Carfrae sale was
probably of this
type : its weight
agrees with that
of (d), but it was
not figured in the
catalogue.]
18. METROBIOS.
Tetr. MHTPOBIOZ (a) Paris (4162) : 31
below \ BA YZ mm-
wreath/ °
Dr. MHTPOBIOZBA («) Paris (Waddington
1938): 19 mm.,
4-22 grms.
19. ARTEMOK.
Dr. APTeMQNreA («) Berlin (Fox) : 19
mm., 4'10 grms.
20. THEOTIMOS.
Tetr. eeOTIMOC („) Iterlin (Imhoof) : 30
mm., 16-54 grms.
(ft) Paris (Wad-
dington 1932): 31
mm., 16-65 grms.
THE SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA. 285
IMYPNAIX (c) Cambridge (Mc-
^N Clean): 33 mm.,
16-28 grms.
Dr. 860TIMOC (a) Copenhagen : 21
mm., 3-88 grms.
The following are the obverse dies »used in this
group : —
Tetradrachms.
O. 14 (a) [PI. XVII.], (c), (d), (e), [(a) and (c) same rev.
die].
P. 14 (/) [PI. XVII.].
Q. 14 (6) [PI. XVII.], (r/), [same rev. die, on which
BA YZ has been erased] ; 15 (a), (b).
R. 16 (a) : 17 (a) [PI. XVII.].
S. 17 (6) [PI. XVII.], (c), (d); 18 (a); 20 (c).
T. 20 (a), (b) [PI. XVII.].
Drachms.
y. 18 (a) [PI. XVIII.] ; 19 (a) ; 20 (a).
In this group the order of the magistrates can be
determined by the dies, as in the last, with one break.
Dionysios appears to have used two dies, 0 and P, which
are not shared by any other magistrate ; O is found
associated with three different reverse dies, and may
have been worn out during the magistracy of Dionysios ;
on the other hand, only one specimen from P seems to
have survived, and when this was struck the die was
evidently in a very bad condition ; so it may have been
a poor die, which broke up at once. His third die was
also used by Polynikos, whose coins from it show it in
a more worn state ; and this was presumably the latest
of the three dies used by Diouysios, as the reverses of
the coins struck from it show that the word BA YZ has
been erased on the die. This was doubtless an official
-8(5 J. G. MILNK.
title,'2 which lapsed during the monetary magistracy of
Dionysios, and was accordingly removed from his dies.
The work of dies 0 and Q is clearly from the same hand ;
P is rather different in style.
There is a successive connexion of dies between the
remaining magistrates. Metrodoros and Herakleides
shared die K, which has some minor peculiarities ; the
goddess wears an earring, and there is a small spike in
each space between the turrets of the crown. This die
seems somewhat fresher in the case of the coin of
Metrodoros. Herakleides also used die 8, which was
subsequently used also by Metrobios and Theotimos :
there is a slight flaw beginning to show on the coin of
Metrobios, which is more spread on that of Theotimos.
Metrobios and Theotimos also struck drachms, from the
same obverse die ; and this die was also used by Arte-
rnoii, of whom no tetradrachrns are known ; from com-
parison of the states of die in the drachms it appears
that Artemon came between Metrobios and Theotimos.
All the dies of these tetradrachrns of the last four
magistrates, both obverse and reverse, show very similar
work ; the reverses 16 (a) and 20 («) are rather different
from the rest, but 20 (e) at any rate is linked to the other
coins of Theotimos and that of Artemon by the use of
the lunate forms of 6 and C ; the lunate € also occurs on
the coins of Herakleides.
It might also be questioned whether Dionysios and
Polynikos come at the beginning or the end of the
- The title should no doubt be expanded Bao-i\evs. I am not aware
that this form of contraction has been found before, but the contracted
adjective j8a"°s occurs in Ptolemaic papyri. Though fia<n\evs is not
known as a title of a magistrate at Smyrna — on which my inquiries
have been confirmed by Mr. F. W. Hasluck — it is used elsewhere on
the coast of Asia Minor, occurring close to Smyrna at Kyme.
THE SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA. 287
group ; but the style of their coins is rather more akin
to the previous group.
Third Group.
21. ANAXENOU.
Tetr. ANAZHNQP (a) Copenhagen: 31 mm.,
A0HNIQNOZ 16-72
22. DIONYSIOS.
Tetr. AIONYZIOZ (a) Berlin (Prokesch-Osten):
MOTYAOZ 31 mm., 16-49 grins.
23. APOLLAS.
Tetr. AHOAAAZ - (a) Berlin (Imhoof) : 30
TAAATHZ muii) 16-36 grms.
24. THEODOTOS.
Tetr. 0EOAOTOZ (a) Glasgow (Hunter Cat.
fcsf 4) : 30 mm., 16-78
gruis.
25. MENODOTOS.
Tetr. MHNOAOTOZ (a) Goth a : 33 mm., 16-35
zAPAmnNoz ffring
o
26. HERAKLEIDES.
Tetr. HPAKAEIAOY (a) Brussels (C. H.) : 29
[^p under lion's mm., 16'36 grms. (6)
L Paw Paris (4161) : 31 mm.
[Lot 200 of the
Bunbury sale was ap-
parently a speqjmen
of this type.]
HPAKAEI (C) Berlin (Fox): 33 mm.,
A HZ jfr 16-60 grms. (d) Mu-
nich : 31 mm. (e) Sir
H. Weber: 33 mm.,
16' 17 srrms.
288 J. G. MILNE.
HPAKAEI £, (/) Paris (4160): 31 mm.
AHZ m (0) Paris (de Luynes
2288) : 29 mm., 16-40
grms.
])r. HPAKAEIAHZ (u) Berlin (Fox) (= Borrell
in ex. p$> sale 1852, lot 198) : 19
mm., 3'94 grms.
27. HERMIPPOS.
Tetr. EPMinnOZ / IMYP \ (a) Berlin (Ace. 19562) :
ZinYAOY VNAinNy' 31 mm., 15'30 grms.
(6) Cambridge (Mc-
Clean): 33mm., 16'52
grms. (c) Hague : 31
mm., 16 4 grms. (d)
Munich : 30 mm. (e)
Paris (Waddingtou
1931): 34mm, 16'40
grms. (/) Sir H.
Weber: 29 mm., 15-74
grms. (g) Rhouso-
poulos sale (lot 3776) :
33 mm., 16*25 grms.
(h) Prowe sale 1914
(lot 1026) : 33 mm.,
16-30 grms.
28. DEMETRIOS.
Tetr. AHMHTPI / IMYP \ (a) Vienna (34969): 32
oz |f VNAION/ mm., IG-OI grms.
AHMHTPI (6) John Ward coll. (675):
OZ ftq 32 mm., 15-88 grms.
[There was a coin of
this magistrate in the
Lambros sale, 1910
(lot 737) : 31 mm.,
16'03 grms. It was
not illustrated in the
catalogue, so I cannot
say to which variety it
belongs.]
THE SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA. 289
29. PHANOKRATES.
Tetr. 1>ANOKPA (a) paris (4163) : 34 mm.
Dr. *ANOKPATHZ (a) London (B. M. C. 8) :
in ex- ffT 18 mm., 3-38 grms.
The following obverse dies are used in this group :—
Tetradrachms.
U. 21 (a) [PI. XVII.] ; 22 (a).
V. 23 (a) [PI. XVII.].
W. 24 (a) [PI. XVII.].
X. 25 (a); 26 (a), (b) [PI. XVII.], [same rev. die].
Y. 26 (d) [PI. XVIII.], (e).
Z. 26 (c), (/), (g) [PI. XVIII.], [(/) and (g) same rev.
die] ; 27 (c), (e), (^), (A), [(e) and (h) same rev. die ;
(c) same rev. die as (/) with obv. BB ; (g) same
rev. die as (b) with obv. BB].
AA. 27 (a) [PI. XVIII.], [same rev. die as (d) with
obv. BB].
BB. 27 (b) [PI. XVIII.], (d), (/), [(&) same rev. die as
(g) with obv. Z ; (d) same rev. die as (a) with
obv. A A ; (/) same rev. die as (c) with obv. Z] ;
28 (a).
CO. 28 (b) ; 29 (a) [PI. XVIII.].
Drachms.
8. 26 (a) [PI. XVIII.].
e. 29 (a) [PI. XVIII.].
The determination of the order of the magistrates
whose coins are included in this group is a matter of
greater uncertainty than in the two previous ones. In
some cases there is no connexion to be obtained by
a common use of dies ; and there is also less similarity of
style in the dies of the group taken as a whole than is
the case in the first and second groups. The order of
NUM. CHKON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. X
'290 J. G. MILNE.
the first four names is therefore rather tentative. Anaxe-
nor and Dionysios may be placed together on account
of their common use of die U, which appears to have
been employed at an earlier date by Anaxenor than by
Dionysios. This die and V, which was used only by
Apollas, are rather hard in style, and V in particular
shows inferior workmanship; but the general effect is
similar to the later coins of the second group, and
accordingly these dies may perhaps be regarded as the
earliest of this group. They introduce a new detail of
work in the form of two pellets in each of the two spaces
between the turrets of the crown — a detail which recurs
on dies W and X, which are accordingly placed next in
order. The general workmanship of these two dies is,
however, much better, and shows a much softer style ;
W, which is used only by Theodotos, is placed first to
avoid breaking the series of die connexions which exists
between the remaining magistrates of the group.
Menodotos and Herakleides are connected by the use of
die X, and Herakleides and Herniippos by that of die
Z. The coins of Herakleides show a good deal of varia-
tion in style and details, both on the obverse and on the
reverse ; his reverse die used with obverse die X has his
name in the genitive case, and the monogram in front
of the lion, while the reverse dies used with obverse dies
Y and Z give the name, according to the usual practice,
in the nominative, and place the monogram after it. As
regards the obverse dies, Y is distinctly inferior in style
to X, and seems to be by a fresh artist ; while Z appears
to come from yet another hand, and is of coarse execution.
The last die was also used by Hermippos, whose coins
show a rather puzzling set of combinations of obverse
and reverse dies ; in eight specimens there are examples
THE SILVEK COINAGE OF SMYRNA. 291
from three obverse and four reverse dies ; one reverse
die occurs with Z only, two others with Z and BB, the
fourth with AA and BB. As the number of coins of
Hermippos which still exist is larger than in the case of
almost any other magistrate in the three series, it is
possible that his issue was an exceptional one and
involved the concurrent use of two obverse dies, between
which the reverse dies were interchanged; or Z may
have been worn out before two of the reverse dies used
with it, a third reverse die may have been made for A A
and have outlasted it, and all three old reverse dies may
have been brought out for use with BB. It may be
noted that 27 (a), the one coin struck from AA, shows a
badly flawed die ; so perhaps A A, just as was suggested
for P above, was a poor die which broke up quickly. In
style AA and BB are very similar, and may well be from
the same hand as Y ; so that it may be suggested that
Z represents the interpolation of a fresh artist for a
single occasion at the mint. A difference begins to be
noticeable in a detail of the treatment of the reverse type
about this time. In the earlier coins of the second series,
the lion is represented standing, in a restful pose ; but in
some of the coins of Herakleides, and more markedly
still in all those of Hermippos, he is almost crouching,
as if about to spring. The two remaining magistrates
of this group can be placed by die connexions; Deme-
trios used die BB, after Hermippos, in a rather flawed
condition; and he shared die CO with Phanokrates,
whose coin appears to show a later state of the die than
that of Demetrios. This last die is again by a fresh
artist, and shows distinctly better work than most of the
preceding ones in the group; at the same time it has
some affinity of style to the dies of the next series.
x2
292 J. G. MILNE.
There is not much information to be obtained from
the dies of the two drachms of this group, during which
the issue of drachms was evidently very small. They
are from different obverse dies, and all that can be said
is that the work of die 8 resembles very closely that of
the dies of the second group, while that of die e shows
less affinity of style.
THIRD SERIES: TETRADRACHMS AND
DRACHMS.
Tetmdrachms.
Obv. — As last series.
Rev. — Lion couched r. ; above Mitrts ; below, magis-
IN f\ I ^ L IN
trate's name ; whole in oak-wreath.
Drachms.
Obv. and Rev. — As last series.
30. SARAPION.
Dr. ZAPAni.QN (a) London (B. M. C. 7): 19
(cut over IMYPNAIQN) mm.? 3.62 grins.
31. APOLLONIOS.
Tetr. AflOAAO («) Berlin (Lobbecke) : 35
NIOZ mm., 16-31 grms.
Dr. AHOAAQNIOZ (a) Paris (Waddington 1937):
(cut over IMYPNAICIN) 19 mniv 3.34 grms. (£)
J. G. Milne (= Benson
sale, lot 691) : 19 mm.,
3-86 grms. (y) Philip-
sen sale (lot 2215) : 17
mm., 4'05 grms. (1 = Hel-
bing's sale 9/4/13, lot
567).
THE SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA. 293
32. HERMAGORAS.
fir. EPMArOPAZ (a) London (Lennep, 1894) :
A 19 mm., 3-72 grms.
33. DIOSKOURIDKS.
Tetr. AIOZKOY (a) Athens : 36 mm., 16-58
PIAHZ grms> (fc) Berlin (Im-
hoof) : 30 mm., 16-45
grms. (c) Paris (Wad-
dington 1930) : 30 mm.,
14-04 grms. (<1) M. R.
Jameson : 35 mm., 16-25
grms. (e) Sotheby's
sale 26/4/07 (lot 93) :
33 mm., 16-32 grins.
[There was a specimen
of this coin in the Bor-
rellsaleof 1852 (lot 197)
—30 mm., 14-02 grms.—
which I imagine is very
probably the one now at
Paris.]
34. MEGAKLES.
Tetr. MEfA («) Paris (Waddington 1934):
KAHZ 35 mm., 16-69 grms.
35. HERODOTOS.
Tetr. HPOAO («) J. G. Milne (= Philipsen
TOZ sale, lot 22 14): 34mm.,
16-51 grms.
36. EPANDROS.
fir. EHANAPOZ: on throne, FE, (a) Paris (4165) : 18 mm.
in field r. bunch of grapes (£) Dr. Imhoof-
Blumer: 18 mm., 3-7 5
rms.
294 J. G. MILNE
37. IATKODOROS.
Dr. I ATPOACiPOZ: enthrone, FTP, (a) Munich: 17 ram.
I
in field r. bunch of grapes
The following obv. dies occur in the group :—
Tetradrachms.
DD. 31 (a) [PL XVIII.].
EE. 33 (e).
FF. 33 (a), (6) [PI. XVIII.], (c), [(*>) and (c) same rev.
die].
GG. 33 (d) [PL XVIII.].
HH. 34 (a) [PL XVIII.].
II. 35 (a) [PL XVIII.].
Drachms.
s. 30 (a) [PL XVIII.].
£. 31 (a), (j3) [PL XVIII.], (y), [all same rev. die].
77. 32 (a) [PL XVIII.].
0. 36 (a) [PL XVIII.], (j8).
1. 37 (a) [PL XVIII.].
The arrangement of the coins of the third series is
more difficult than that of any of the preceding groups.
There are no instances where the same die is used by
two magistrates, and the only criterion in the coins
themselves for determining their order is the style : this,
however, can be helped by some considerations arising
from comparison with the bronze coins. In fact, it is
primarily the latter test which leads to the placing of
some of the drachms in this series : the tetradrachms are
distinguished from the second series by the attitude of
the lion on the reverse, but the type of the drachms is
virtually unchanged. The fullest series of magistrates'
names on the autonomous coins of Smyrna is to be
found in the bronze Homereia : and certainly the latest
THE SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA. 295
group of the Homereia consists of those with a star on
the reverse. Of the names on the tetradrachms of the
third series, two — Dioskourides and Herodotos — do not
occur on any of the Homereia : Apollonios is found both
on the Homereia with a star and on earlier ones :
Megakles only on the star-group. This gives a slight
presumption that the third series of tetradrachms are
practically coincident in period with the star-group of
Homereia. As regards the magistrates striking drachms,
Apollonios is placed by his tetradrachms : Epandros
and latrodoros occur on the Homereia only in the
star-group, and so, following the presumption just stated,
may be assigned to the same period. The drachm of
Hermagoras is classified by style : but that of Sarapion
has other indications, which again need reference to the
bronze coins. In the reverse dies both of Sarapion and
Apollonios, the magistrate's name, on the left side of
the coin, has clearly been cut over the ethnic : on the
right, in the usual place for the drachms of this type,
there is the ethnic with no signs of recutting. It is
hardly likely that in two separate cases the die-cutter
made the blunder of cutting the ethnic on the wrong
side of the coin, and had to alter the die, before he cut
the magistrate's name : it is more probable that dies
originally designed with the ethnic only were reused
and altered with the insertion of magistrates' names. It
is true that no silver coins of Smyrna of this period with
ethnic only and without magistrate's name are known :
but an issue of bronze coins, both of Homereia and of
the smaller denomination with reverse-type statue of
Aphrodite, does occur on which there is no magistrate's
name ; and they probably belong in date just before the
star-group of Homereia : the Homereia of this issue are
296 J. G. MILNE.
almost always restruck on earlier Homereia, which, so
far as they can be made out, belong to the group pre-
ceding the star-group. The reason for, and date of, this
issue of bronze without magistrate's name will be dis-
cussed later : but its existence gives support to the
supposition that dies for drachms may have been cut
without a magistrate's name on the reverse, and that it
is two of these dies which are found altered for the
issues of Sarapion and Apollonios.
The foregoing are the general reasons for grouping
together the coins given as the third series : the order
in which they are arranged is largely tentative. On the
assumption that the series was coincident in date with the
star-group of bronze Homereia — the commencement of
which was accompanied by modifications in the reverse
types of most of the bronze denominations, which may
well be parallel to the modification in the reverse type
of the tetradrachm in the third series — the considerations
stated above with regard to the alteration of dies by
Sarapion and Apollonios suggest that they came earliest
in the series, and reused the old nameless dies of the
previous authorities. The style of the obverse die of
Sarapion is better than that of Apollonios, the latter
being in lower relief and rather heavy : and on this
ground, perhaps, Sarapion may be put before Apollonios.
Apollonios, being the only magistrate of the series who
struck both tetradrachms and drachms, so far as we
know at present, may serve as a starting-point for
arranging the remaining coins of either denomination,
In the drachms, the obverse die of Hermagoras seems to
be by the same artist as that of Apollonios, though the
reverse die is poorer work ; but, as already pointed out,
Apollonios reused an old reverse die. The obverse
THE SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA. 297
dies of Epandros and latrodoros are clearly from one
hand, and that of a fresh artist, whose style is flat and
sketchy : the reverses also probably are by the same
man, and introduce new details in the bunch of grapes
as a symbol in the field and the monogram on the throne.
As for the tetradrachms, die EE of Dioskourides comes
very close in style to die DD of Apollonios ; the other
two dies of Dioskourides, FF and GG, show a considerable
degradation in style, which is shared by the obverse die
of Megakles. The obverse die of Herodotos is not quite
so debased as GG and HH, and perhaps represents a
new hand ; it rather resembles in flatness of workmanship
the dies of the drachms of Epandros and Jatrodoros.
On the whole, it seems probable that Apollonios and
Hermagoras were closely connected in point of time,
Apollonios being the earlier, as shown by his reverse
die : that Dioskourides and Megakles may be grouped
together, Dioskourides coming first : and that Herodotos,
Epandros, and latrodoros represent the latest and
weakest art in the silver coins of Smyrna. The relative
order of the last three is, however, quite uncertain.
In concluding this part of my paper, I have to
acknowledge with grateful thanks the help which I
have received from many sources. I am indebted to the
officers in charge of the cabinets at Athens, Berlin,
Brussels, Cambridge, Copenhagen, Glasgow, Gotha, the
Hague, London, Munich, Naples, Oxford, Paris, Petro-
grad, and Vienna for casts of the coins in their
charge and for much information : the coins at Athens,
Cambridge, London, Oxford, and Paris I have examined
personally, when every facility was given to me. Dr.
Imhoof-Blumer, M. Eobert Jameson, and Sir Hermann
Weber have most kindly supplied me with casts of their
298 J. G. MILNE.
coins; and I have to thank Dr. Hirsch also for some
casts. To Mr. Edward Barff of Smyrna I owe a special
debt of gratitude, as it is through his constant and ready
assistance that I have obtained the greater part of my
coins of Smyrna, without which I should hardly have
taken up the study of the series.
,T. fr. MILNE.
XIV
THE COINAGE OF PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.
(See Plate XIX.)
THE coins here described belong to three groups.
(1) During journeys made in connexion with the Asia
Minor Exploration Fund through the region of Pisidian
Antioch during the last thirty-two years, small sets of
coins have been purchased in the villages and towns
from time to time and carefully preserved. Many of
them were in a very bad condition, and this is naturally
also the case with many of those which belong to the
next group.
(2) During the recent excavations at the Hieron of
Men Askaenos, near Pisidian Antioch, a certain number
of coins have been found, and many not actually found
in excavation, but coming from the neighbourhood, have
been shown to the excavators. By the courtesy of
Sir William Eamsay I have been allowed to examine
practically all these coins and make full lists of them
from time to time. The bearing of these coins on the
dates of occupation of the site excavated will be dis-
cussed after the excavation of the city, which may last
for several years yet, is completed.
(3) Some coins belonging to the British Museum, but
not published in the Catalogue of Pisidia, are included.
The object of the present paper is to describe a
300 G. F. HILL.
selection of coins which are of interest to numismatists
primarily. In one or two cases the provenance enables
us to attribute to the Pisidian colony coins of which the
attribution would otherwise be uncertain.
Babelon1 and Imhoof-Blumer 2 have restored to
Pisidian Antioch the autonomous coins, with a bust of
Men on the obverse and a humped bull with ANTIOXE
and various magistrates' names on the reverse, which
had usually been ascribed to the Carian city of the
same name. In confirmation of this change, it may be
mentioned that there were at least four of these coins
among those submitted to me. Unfortunately all were
quite illegible, except one which appears to read
APAKON.
The new evidence also confirms, if further confirmation
were necessary, Imhoofs attribution to Pisidian Antioch
of the group of coins with eagle on obverse and star on
reverse.3
Three specimens of the kind without magistrates'
names, two with the eagle to right, one with the eagle to
left, are recorded in the lists which I have made. To
Imhoofs list may be added another, with eagle to right
on obverse, and the magistrate's name [0]PA ZY on the
reverse (^E. 13 mm.), which has long been in the British
Museum. [PI. XIX. 1.]
It may be noted that the magistrates' names
APAKO[N] and MENANAPO[Y] occur on both this series and
on the series with the bust of Men and the humped bull
mentioned above, showing that the two series belong to
the same place and period.
1 Invent. Waddington, Nos. 3566-70.
2 Kleinasiatische Mi'mzen, p. 357.
3 Revue Suisse, xiv. (1908), p. 141.
THE COINAGE OF PISIDIAN ANTIOOH. 301
The small coins of the Colony without Emperors'
heads, or at least without their names, are represented by
the following varieties :—
Types : Obv. — Bust of Hermes, with caduceus behind
shoulder.
Rev. — Modius containing corn. Cp. B. M. C.,
No. 2.
1. Obv.— ANT) 1., OCH r. Bust r.
Rev.— COLO 1., NIAE r.
M. 14 mm.
2. Obv.— ANTIO 1., C r., H below. Bust 1.
'Rev.— AICO 1., L above, ONI r. (i.e. COLONIAl).
JE. 12 mm. [PI. XIX. 4.J
Types : Obv. — Bust of Hermes, with caduceus behind
shoulder.
Rev. — Bull standing. Cp. Imhoof-Blumer, Kleinas.
Miinzen, p. 358, No. 6.
3. Obv.— [ANJJI 1., QCH r. (?). Bust r.
Rev. — AN T above, IOC r. Bull r.
M. 13 mm.
Types : Obv. — Bust of Hermes, caduceus behind shoulder.
.Bet.— "Winged caduceus. Cp. Imhoof-Blumer,
Kleinas. Miinzen, p. 358, No. 7.
4. Obv.— ANTIO 1., C - - r. Bust 1.
Rev. — COLO L, NIA r.
M. 13 mm. [PI. XIX. 2.]
302 G. F. HILL.
Types : Obv. — Bust of Hermes, caduceus behind shoulder.
Be*.— Cock. Cp. B. M. C., No. 1.
5. Obv. — ANTIO 1., CHIA r. Bust 1.
Eev. — CO 1., LON r., I below. Cock r.
M. 12-5 mm. [PI. XIX. 3.] Same
dies as jB. M. (7., No. 1.
6. Obv.—k ]., NTIOC r. Bust r.
Eev.— CO 1., LON (?) r. Cock r.
M. 12-5 mm.
Types : Obv. — Bust of Men on crescent.
Eev.— Cock. Cp. B. M. C., No. 3.
7. Obv. — ANTIO 1., CHIA r. Bust 1.
Eev. — COLO r., - - 1. Cock r.
M. 13 mm.
8. Obv.— ANTI r., OCHI 1. Bust r.
Eev. — Inscr. illegible. Cock r.
^E. 14 mm.
The busts oil these small coins seeni to me to be assimi-
lated to various emperors. Thus the Hermes on Nos. 1,
4, and 5 seem to resemble Hadrian, while that on No. 2
may be meant for the young Caracalla. On the follow-
ing coin we seem to have busts of Pius and Marcus : —
9. Obv.— ANT r. Bearded bust r. (Pius?).
Eev. — COLO 1. Beardless bust 1. (Marcus as
Hermes ?) with caduceus over shoulder.
M. 13mm. [PI. XIX. 5.]
Imhoof-Blumer, however,4 considers that these and
4 Kleinasiatische Milnsien, p. 358.
THE COINAGE OF PISIDIAX ANTIOCH. 303
other small copper coins of the same class probably
belong to the time of Severus. However, the re-
semblances which I have pointed out seem to indicate
a longer period for the issue of these coins ; and indeed
it is not probable that so many varieties of small change
should have been issued during so short a period.
The following issues (with the possible exception of
No. 10) belong to the time of Augustus and Tiberius : —
10. Obv. — CCAN above. Founder ploughing r. with
yoke of cattle.
Rev. — £ in middle. Four military standards (two
with eagles).
M. 18 mm. [PI. XIX. 6.]
11. Obv. — CAESAR on r. Head of Augustus r., bare.
Rev.— COL • CAES above ; AV | GVS | TVS in middle,
between four military standards as on pre-
ceding.
M. 2-2 mm. [PI. XIX. 7.] Cp. Imhoof-
Blumer, Kleinaa. Miinzcn, p. 358, No. 9.
The new specimen was poorly preserved ; that which
is here illustrated was already in the British Museum.
12. Obv.— - V! • AVG • F • AVGVST • IMP • VIM Head
of Tiberius 1., bare.
Rev. — C C (large) across field. Statue of the Julia
Gens, seated r., resting with 1. on sceptre,
holding patera in r.
M. 22 mm. [PI. XIX. 8.]
The type of the reverse is found not only on Konian
coins of the period (Cohen2, Tiberius, 17) but at Corinth
(Irnhoof and Gardner, Num. Comm. E xcvi.) and at
Caesaraugusta in Spain (Heiss, PI. xxv. 27).
304 G. F. HILL.
Under the latter mint, in the British Museum trays,
the following coin has long been placed ; but in its
fabric and style it is distinctly not Spanish, and Don
Antonio Vives informs me that nothing similar to it is
familiar to him in his experience of Spanish coins. It
may just possibly be of Antioch, although it does not
seem to bear any indication of the mint : —
12a. Obv,— Tl 1., TVS r. Head of Tiberius r.,
bare. Plain border.
Rev. — IVLIA A 1., - - - TA r. Similar figure to that
on. No. 12. Plain border.
M. 24 mm. [PI. XIX. 9.]
A propos of the coin of Augustus, Imhoof remarks that
on this earliest coin the colony bears only the title
Colonia Caesarea. The coin of Tiberius (No. 12) shows
that it still bore that title in his reign ; whereas the
coin No. 10 seems, if my reading of the obverse is
correct, to mark the transition to the new name. Un-
fortunately we cannot date it exactly.
A coin of Tiberius mentioned by Babelon,5 reading
CAE • ANTIO • COL • S • R • is described as retouched ; this
we may well believe, since the letters S • R do not
normally appear on Antiochian coins until a much later
period, and the size of the piece (34 mm.) is also a sign
of lateness.6
3 Invent. Waddington, 3580.
* Cp. Mionnet, iii. p. 492, No. 2, which appears to be a tooled coin of
Gordian III. Sir W. M. Ramsay writes : " The name of the colony
appears simply as C. C. in an inscription which belongs to the period
about 50 A.D. The revival of the old name Antiochia as an adjunct to
the Roman title Colonia Caesarea may probably have taken place under
Vespasian, or perhaps Nero ; and coins reading C . C . AN . may be
dated accordingly."
THE COINAGE OF PISIDIAN ANTIOCH. 305
Between the earliest period of the colony and the reign
of Vespasian there seems to be a gap in the coinage.
Hitherto coins of Titus but none of his father have been
attributed to the colony. But among the new coins are
three of Vespasian, all extremely badly worn. The
greater part of the legends can, however, be restored
with the help of a similar coin at Berlin (from the
Imhoof-Blumer collection), the description of which I
owe to Dr. Imhoof-Blumer's kindness : —
13. Obv.— IMP VESPASIANO CAESAR I AVG COS VII P P
Bust of Vespasian r., laureate.
Rev. — LEGV on 1. upwards, CC (?) on r.
upwards ; eagle staiiding, with wings spread,
between two military standards.
JEt. 26-5-24 mm. Three specimens. Two
of them are countermarked on the obverse
with a figure of Men, standing to front,
crescent at shoulders, resting on sceptre
with r., holding Victory in 1.
[PI. XIX. 10.]
These coins date from the year 76, when Vespasian
was consul for the seventh time.
Indications of the presence of veterans of the fifth
legion (Gallica 7) at Antioch are already known in four
tombstones from Antioch (C. I. L., iii. 293, 294; cp.
Le Bas-Waddington, 1823 ; and two others of which
Sir W. M. Ramsay informs me). One at least of these
must belong to quite the earliest period of the colony.
Otherwise it would have been tempting to suppose that,
since the name of the fifth legion does not occur on the
7 The identity of Gallica with Alaudae is not certain, though assumed
by earlier authorities with no evidence. Dessau (Index to Inscr.
Lat. Sel.) distinguishes them. The name Alaudae is never used in the
Antiochian inscriptions. — [W. M. 11.]
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. Y
306 G. F. HILL.
coins until the year 76, it may have been veterans of
the fifth Macedonica (which served in the Jewish war),
rather than of the Gallica, who were settled at Antioch.8
Such a veteran may have brought with him the coin of
Titus commemorating the subjection of Judaea which is
mentioned below.
ICRS
This countermark occurs on a number of coins, all but
one uufortuf ately worn so smooth that it is impossible
to deterrninl their date with certainty. Three were
among the coins submitted to me. A fourth [PI. XIX. 12],
which came from the same district many years ago, is a
Greek coin of Titus, commemorating the suppression of
the First Revolt of the Jews, and doubtless struck in
Judaea.9 One of three others [PI. XIX. 11] is counter-
marked on the opposite side with a bust of Men on a
crescent to right, indicating a further connexion with
Antioch. The letters of the countermark can hardly
be read as anything but CRAS, although on some
specimens there seems to be no horizontal bar to the R.
It is highly improbable that it was impressed by the
authority of Sulpicius Crassus, who was proconsul of
Asia towards the end of the reign of Commodus ; 10 for
by what authority should a proconsul of Asia counter-
mark coins in Antioch ? Whatever be the meaning of
the mark, the extremely worn condition of all the coins
shows that the originals may have been in circulation
8 Several other veterans, who had served in Syrian legions, are men-
tioned in inscriptions of Antioch. — [W. M. R.]
11 B. M. C. : Palestine, PI. xxxi. 3-5.
10 Waddington, Pastes des Provinces Asiatiques, p. 243, No. 159.
THE COINAGE OP PISIDIAN ANTIOCH. 307
for something like a century before they were counter-
marked.
From the remainder of the coins available I single
out the following, mostly of Antioch itself, and worthy
of notice : —
14. Obv.— LAVR - - r., [CjAISAR 1. Bust of L. Verus r.,
bare (1).
Rev. — ANTIOCH above, COLON in exergue. Wolf
r. suckling twins.
M. 15 mm. [PI. XIX. 13.]
15. Obv.— PI VSAVGSE L, VERVS r. Head of Sept.
Sever us r., laureate.
Rev.— ANTI OCHGE 1., NICOL CAES r. Female
genius (Fortune), standing L, with branch
and cornucopiae.
M. 22 mm. Cp. Mionnet, iii. p. 494,
No. 17.
Obv.— IMPCAE L, SMAVRAN r. Bust of young Cara-
cal la r., laureate.
tfer— [FORTVJNACOLONIA E r., ANTIOCH 1. For-
tune, standing 1., with branch and cornu-
copiae.
16. JE. 22 mm.
17. JE. 24 mm. (same olv. die, rev. ORTVNACOL - - r.,
ANTIOCH F 1.). Of. Mionnet, iii. p. 495,
No. 25.
18. Obv.— IMPCAES 1., MAVRAN r. Bust of young Cara-
calla r., laureate, wearing paludamentum
and cuirass.
licv.— AN Tl OCHFOR 1., TVNACOLONIAE r. For-
tune 1., with branch in r., cornucopiae in 1.
M. 22 mm.
This corrects my description of B. M. C., No. 17, which
is also of Caracalla.
Y'2
308 G. P. HILL.
19. Obv. ]., gfTASCAE r. Bust of Geta r., wearing
palud amentum and cuirass.
Rev.— ANT[I] ]., OCHCOL r. Eagle to front, wings
open.
^E. 19 mm. Cp. Babelon, Invent. Wad-
dington, 3595, and Mioiinet, iii. p. 498,
No. 40.
20. Obv.— ANTON IN VSPjVSFELAVG around. Bust of
Elagabalus r., laureate.
Rev. — ANTIOCHCO L above, ONI in exergue. Wolf
r. and twins.
JE. 17mm. Cp. Imhoof-Blumer, Kleinas.
Miinzen, p. 361, No. 21.
21. Obv.— - - SEVER L, ALEXAND - - r. Bust of
Severus Alexander r., laureate.
Rev.— COLCE 1., SANTIOCHIA r. Bust of Men r.
M. 22mm.
22. Obv. — IMPCMIVLPHILIPPVSPFAVG around. Bust of
Philip Jun. r., laureate, wearing paluda-
meutum and cuirass.
Rev. — ANTIOCHCOLON - - in arc below, beginning
on r. ; in field, S R. Two cornuacopiae
crossed, with caduceus between them.
M. 19 mm. [PI. XIX. 14.]
23. Oto.—IMPCAESGMESSQDECIOTRAlAV around. Bust
of Trajan Decius r., radiate, wearing palu-
damentum and cuirass.
Rev. — ANTIOCHICOLCA around, S R in exergue.
River- god Anthios reclining 1., r. holding
cornucopiae, 1. resting on overturned urn
from which water flows.
JSi. 23 mm. Same obv. die as B. M. 6'.,
No. 124. Cp. Babelon, Invent. Waddinyton,
3614 ; Mionnet, Supp., vii. p. 107, No. 10.
THE COINAGE OF PIS1DIAX ANTIOCH. 309
24. Obv.— IMPCAESPLICGALLIENVS around. Bust of
Gallienus r., laureate.
Bev— COLCAE 1., S above, ANTIOC H r. Double
cornucopiae containing two busts.
M. 30 mm.
This coin is from the same dies as that described by de
Saulcy, Terre Sainte, p. 18, No. 6 Us [here PI. XIX. 15],
which is accordingly of Pisidian Antioch. Compare the
coin of Volusiau, Rev. Num., 1902, p. 348, No. 92, PI. x.
11, on which the two busts represent Volusiau and the
god Men.
25. Obv. — I MPCAESPAILCAINGALLIENO(?) around. Bust
of Gallienus r., radiate.
J5ei,. — ANTI O 1., CHICL r., SR in exergue. Legion-
ary eagle between two standards.
M. 23-5 mm.
The following coins, belonging to groups (I) and (2),
are of other mints : —
Attaleia Pamphyliae (?).
26. Obv. — Two heads of Athena r., jugate.
Jfrtf.— [ATTAjAEQN (?) on r. Zeus seated 1.
M. 17 mm.
Apollonia Pisidiae.
27. Obv. — Inscription obscure. Bust of Geta (?) r.
Rev. — AHOAAQN 1., IATQNAY - - r. Hygieia stand-
ing r., feeding serpent.
M. 21 mm.
Sagalassus.
28. Obv.— AY • KMAY • • ANTQN6INO C • C6B around.
Bust of Caracalla r., laureate, undraped.
_Re0._CArAAAC I., CeQN r. Apollo seated 1., head
r., with lyre on column beside him.
M. 25 mm.
310 G. F. HILL.
Apamea Cibotus.
29. Obv. — Head of Athena r., helraeted ; countermark,
Rev. — Inscription illegible. Eagle with spread wings
on maeander, between caps of Dioscuri.
M. 23 mm.
Philomeliutn.
30. Obv.— IOYAIA 1., MAM6AC6B r. Bust of Mamaea r.
on crescent.
Rev. — 4>lAOMHA€UN6niMIOYAnAYA6l around, and
in centre S P Q R
M. 34 mm.
31. Obv.— AYKMAN[TnjrOPAIANO around. Bust of
Gordian III r., laureate, undraped.
JJet?. — cj>|AOM 1., HA6ON r. Eagle to front, wings
spread.
M. 17 mm.
32. 33. Two coins of Trajan Decius, as B. M. C., 39
and 43.
Iconium.
34. Obv.— IMPCAESMANGORDIANVSAVG around. Bust
of Gordian III r., laureate, wearing paluda-
mentum and cuirass.
.Ret?.— COCEL IHAD 1., ICONIHS r., S R in exergue;
Roma, helmeted, seated 1., holding Victory
in r., resting with 1. on spear, at foot of
which shield.
M. 34 mm. [PI. XIX. 16.]
The blundered inscription on the reverse is intended
for Colonia Aelia Hadriana (Augusta) Iconensium.
THE COINAGE OF PISIDIAN ANTIOCH. 311
Parlais.
35. Obv.— [IMJPLAVR L, COMMO - - r. Bust of Corn-
modus r., laureate, undraped (?).
Rev.— IVLAVGHA 1., COLPARLA r. Men standing to
front, head r. resting on sceptre, 1. holding
pine-cone ; at his feet r. a cock (?).
M. 21 mm. Cp. Imhoof-Blumer in Rev.
Suisse, 1908, p. 88, No. 3, where it is re-
marked that HA (for Hadriana) is not other-
wise found on coins of the colony.
Adana.
36. Obv. — Bust of Gordian III and inscription as on
B. M. C., No. 19 (same die).
Jfci;._CABeiNTPANKYAA€INAC - • - [AAANG] and
in inner circle ON. Bust of Tranquillina r.
M. 30 mm.
Seleucia ad Calycadnum.
37. Obv.— nTAK!AC€YHPAN€Y - - around. Bust of
Otacilia r.
J?f».--C€A€YK[6n] NTONnPKAAYKeA around, GV06
in field 1., PAC in field r. Nike 1., carrying
wreath and palm-branch.
JE. 31 mm. Cp. Mionnet, iii. p. GOT,
No. 326 ; Supp., vii. p. 244, No. 347.
Another specimen in the British Museum has the
same reverse type with a different arrangement of the
legend.
Tarsus.
38. Obv.— [A]YT - - A[Y]PC - HP OCCGB around.
Bust of Caracalla r., laureate, wearing palu-
damentum and cuirass : in field, f! [l~l]
Rev.— [ANTONJIANHCC 1., €Y - - r. ; in field 1.
A|MK|rB The god Saudan standing r. on
lion.
M. 35 mm. Cp. Dressel in Z. f. N.<
xxiv. p. 84.
312 G. F. HILL.
159. Obv. C6YHP OCAN - - around; in field, [PI]
[PI] (?) Bust of Caracalla r., laureate, un-
d raped.
jffo^— [T]APCO[Y]MH|[T]POKOINOB|[O]YAION in ex-
ergue; in field, f B. The Emperor with spear
standing 1., confronted by a female figure
carrying Nike on globe, who crowns the
Emperor.
M. 34 mm.
Uncertain Greek Imperial.
40. Obv.— IMPA - - r., TR • POT 1. Head of Augustus r.
Rev. — Inscription obliterated ; founder ploughing r.
with yoke of oxen.
M. 27 mm.
In fabric, in the style of the head on the obverse, and
in the obverse inscription, this closely resembles the
coins of the Syrian Antioch. On the other hand, the
colonial reverse type does not occur there. In some
lights the letters in the exergue of this specimen seem
to suggest ANTl - - , but perhaps the wish is father to the
thought.
A word may be added here about the sources of coins
other than those struck at Antioch itself which occur
among those examined and identified by me. In the
following list all coins are of Imperial times and of
bronze unless otherwise stated : —
Macedon. Thessalonica, 1 (late autonomous, after 88 B.C.,
as S. M. C., No. 32).
Bithynia. Nicaea, 1 .
Caria. Aphrodisias, 1.
Phrygia. Apamea, 1 (autonomous, 133-48 i?.c.).
„ Philomelium, 6.
Cappadocia. Caesarea, 1.
Lycaonia. Iconium, 1.
Parlais, 2.
THE COINAGE OF PISIDIAN ANTIOCH. 313
Pisidia. Apollonia, 1.
„ Baris, 1.
„ Pappa Tiberia, 1.
,, Sagalassus, 1.
„ Selge, 1 (JE. -tth cent. B.C.).
Pamphylia. Aspendus, 1 (autonomous, 2d.-lst cent. B.C.).
„ Attaleia (?), 1 (late autonomous).
Cilicia. Adana, 1.
„ Seleucia ad Calycadnum, 1.
„ Tarsus, 3.
Syria. Antiochus I (?), 1.
„ Seleucus IV, 1.
„ Antioch, 2.
Judaea. Judaea Capta, 1.
It will be observed that very few coins have travelled
far, and that coins of neighbouring cities, such as
Philomelium and those in Pisidia and Lycaonia, are in
the great majority. Provenance is thus shown, as
always in the case of bronze coins, to be good evidence
for attribution.
It is a curious fact that not one of the large coins of
sestertius size issued at Antioch from Septimius Sever us
to Grordian III has passed through my hands, although
they are, comparatively speaking, not rare.11 On the
other hand, coins of apparently the same denomination
from mints like Iconium, Philomelium, and Tarsus were
not wanting.
G. F. HILL.
11 Sir W. M. Ramsay has since shown me a specimen of the Gordian,
B. M. C., No. 85, acquired in the district. He adds that he has observed
very large numbers of Antiochian coins in the hands of shopkeepers at
Iconium. Coins of the colony evidently circulated in great numbers
about Iconium as well as in the rest of the region and towns around
Antioch. As regards the large coins, their comparative scarcity on the
spot may be due to the fact that they are thought to be valuable, so
that when discovered they speedily find their way to more important
commercial centres.
XV.
PORTRAITS D'IMPERATRICES DE L'EPOQUE
CONSTANTINIENNE.
L'EXISTENCE de la jeune Helene, femme de Crispus,
belle-fille de Constantin, que j'avais admise comme
demontree dans ma Numismatique Constantinienne,1 a
ete mise en doute, pour des raisons fort serieuses, par
M. Percy Webb.2
Les arguments mis en avant par ce tres-savant et
consciencieux auteur ont ebranle mes propres con-
victions. Je le lui ai ecrit ; et il a bien voulu publier
une note dans les Miscellanea3 du Numismatic Chronicle
pour mettre au point le probleme de 1'existence de deux
imperatrices du nom d'Helene, sous le regne de Con-
stantin le Grand.
Depuis lors, inon attention a ete attiree sur un
caractere distinct if des bustes des deux Helenes, que je
n'avais pas suffisamment utilise dans mes recherches.
Je veux parler de la difference de coiffure de ces deux
imperatrices.
1 Numismatique Constantinienne, tome ii., pp. 450-456, dans 1'etude
sur "!' Atelier de Thessalonica."
2 Percy H. Webb, "Helena N. P.," dans Num.- Chron., 1912,
pp. 352-360.
3 Num. Chron., 1913, pp. 377-379.
PORTRAITS D'IMPERATRICES. 315
J 'avals, en realite, indique dans ma Numismatique
Constantinienne que les effigies de la jeune Helene
presentaient des cheveux ondules, sans aucune decora-
tion speciale.4 J'avais fait remarquer egalement, an
sujet des effigies de Galerie Valerie, 1'importance de
1'arrangement de la coiffure pour la determination des
bustes des imperatrices.5 Mais je ne m'etais pas avise
de ce que Sainte Helene portait toujours deux varietes
de coiffures, avec ou sans diademe, que ne presentaient
jainais les effigies de la jeune Helene.
La question a besoin d'etre reprise d'un pen plus haut.
Une remarquable publication de Lady Evans, parue
dans le Numismatic Chronicle en 1906, avait attire
1'attention sur les coiffures des imperatrices romaines
et il etait facile, a 1'aide de ce beau travail, de suivre
tous les aspects de la mode.6 L'auteur avait indique
les caracteres les plus distinctifs des coiffures de chaque
imperatrice jusqu'au Vme siecle de Fere chretienne, et
avait bien defini les coiffures de Ste. Helene.7 Des ondu-
lations sur le front sont surmontees d'un large bandeau ;
lequel maintient en place une tresse de cheveux qui,
ramenee du derriere de la tete, vient former une boucle
par devant, sous le bandeau. Parfois, disait Lady Evans,
le bandeau est une large bande, appareinrnent de laine,
qui entoure la tete. Cette bande encercle la partie de la
chevelure qui couvre la tete, comme un turban est
4 Numism. Constantinienne, t. ii., p. 356.
5 Ibid., t. ii., p. 306.
6 Lady Evans, " Hair-dressing of Roman Ladies," dans Num. Chron.,
1906, pp. 37-65.
" Op. cii., p. 60 ; voir la Planche vi ; on y trouvera No. 71 une coiffure
de GalSrie Valerie, No. 76 le medallion de Ste. H61ene, No. 73 un
medallion au nom de Fausta avec 1'effigie de Ste. Helene; No. 72
1'effigie de Fausta.
316 JULES MAURICE.
dispose autour (Tun fez. Et 1'auteur rappelait les
invectives de Tertullien dans le De Virginibus Velandis
centre celles qui portent des uiitres et des bandes de
laine qui ne voilent pas leurs tetes, mais en font des for-
teresses. On ne voit pas ce que ces chevelures massives
avaient d'immoral, mais Tertullien etait austere jusqu'a
Fabsurde.8 Ses critiques n'ont pas empeche Ste. Helene
d'adopter cette coiffure. J'irai meme plus loin. J'ai
fait remarquer 9 que Lady Evans avait fort judici-
eusement defini une certaine mode persistante de
coiffures (Syrian tradition}. Ce genre de coiffures, inau-
gure par Julia Paula et Julia Soaemias, si Ton tient compte
de 1'existence siumltanee d'un croissant et d'une certaine
rnaniere de relever les tresses de cheveux sur la uuque,
a ete conserve par Orbiana, Otacilia Severa, Severina,
Magnia Urbica et Galerie Valerie [PI. XX. 1-3]. Les
tresses de cheveux relevees sur la nuque et ramenees
sur le crane avancent de plus en plus vers le sommet de
la tete et viennent enfin se fixer sous le croissant.10
Ce genre de coiffure est le prototype de celle qu'a
portee Ste. Helene [PI. XX. 4-10]. Le diademe on le
bandeau ont remplace dans la coiffure de Ste. Helene le
croissant de celle de Galerie Valerie. Mais la masse des
cheveux chez Ste. Helene, comme chez Galerie Valerie,
apres avoir reconvert la tete, descend sur la nuque, y
forme une large boucle et est ramenee en une ou deux
tresses qui remontent sur la chevelure jusqu'au sommet
de la tete. Ces tresses se fixent sous le diademe.
s Tertullien, D. V. V., c. 18.
9 Dans Num. Constantin. , t. ii., p. 306.
10 Voir sur ces coiffures les planches, annexees au travail de Lady
Evans. PI. V. No. 60 = Julia Paula ; No. 59 = Julia Soaemias ;
No. 61 = Orbiana ; PI. VI , No. 63 = Otacilia Severa ; No. 66 = Seve-
rina ; No. 69 = Magnia Urbica ; No. 70 et 71 = Galeria Valeria.
PORTRAITS D'IMPERATRIGES. 317
II est assez interessant de voir la mode d'un certain
genre de coiffure passer de Galerie Valerie a Ste. Helene.
Ces imperatrices ont-elles suivi toutes deux la tradition
orientale ou bien Ste. Helene a-t elle voulu irniter
Galerie Valerie ?
On sait, par Lactauce, que cette lille de Diocletien et
femme de Galere a ete persecuted ainsi que sa mere
Prisca pour sa religion, et que Diocletien voulut con-
traindre ces imperatrices aux sacrifices paiens.11 Entin
Maxiniin Daza les poursuivit de sa baine1'2 et Licinius
les fit mourir.13 Elles etaient chretiennes, tout porte a le
croire. Ste. Helene n'a-t-elle pas trouve dans la religion
de Galerie Valerie une raison suffisante pour Finiiter en
tout ? La tradition syrienne serait devenue une tradi-
tion chretieune. Mais Sainte Helene n'a porte le
diademe qu'apres avoir ete proclaruee Augusta, en 324.
Quelle coiffure portait-elle conime jeune fille ou jeuue
femme ? La tres interessante decouverte d'un buste de
Ste. Helene par M. Delbrueck nous 1'apprend peutetre,
mais il faut d'abord identifier ce buste. Ste. Helene
(Augusta) se presente sur certains medaillons que j'ai
decrits, sans le diademe, mais avec le lourd et large
bandeau de laine dont il a ete question plus haut. La
coiffure se compose, sur le beau medaillon de Londres
[PI. XX. 13] que j'avais signale, d'un tour de front forme
de grosses ondulations de cheveux qui encadrent le front,
surrnonte d'un lourd bandeau de laine, lequel entoure
une calotte de cheveux qui couvre le crane et est lisse
sur le medaillon.
M. Delbrueck a compare ce medaillon au buste ignore
11 Lactance, DC Mortibus Persecutvrum, c. xxix.
12 Ibid., c. xli.
13 Ibid., c. li.
318
JULES MAURICE.
du Musee des Conservateurs qui presente les parties
essentielles de la coiffure de Ste. Helene. Les traits
de la figure correspondent, autant qu'on en peut juger,
FIG. 1 — Buste de Ste. Helene.
ii ceux du medaillon, inais nous ne possedons que des
effigies de Ste. Helene agee, tandis que le buste est celui
d'une jeune fenime. Yoir pour le buste les figures Nos.
1 et 2.
PORTRAITS D'IMPERATRICES. 319
II semble toutefois (|ue les traits du buste et ceux du
medaillon soient assez seinblables pour qu'on puisse
attribuer 1'un et 1'autre de ces portraits a Ste. Helene.14
FIG. "2. — Buste de Ste. Helene.
Cette princesse aurait adopte, des le debut de sa vie, le
14 B. Delbrueck, Portraits Byzantinischer Kaiserinnen, dans Mit-
tciluiujen d. k. D. Arch. Instituts, RomiscJie Abtcilmig, vol. xxviii.,
1913, pp. 327 a 330.
320 JULES MAURICE.
genre de coiffure qu'elle conserva toujours, mais apres sa
nomination comme Augusta, elle aurait porte le diademe
et 1'on n'aurait plus represente qu'exceptionnellement le
lourd bandeau que 1'on voit autour de sa tete sur le
medaillon et sur le buste. Le bandeau est forme sur le
buste d'une maniere difficile a expliquer. Les cheveux
du dessus de la tete, di vises en deux masses par une
raie, fournissent par derriere deux tresses qui remontent
et encerclent la tete, mais on ne voit pas le point ou les
deux tresses se reunissent sur le sommet de la tete. II
en resulte qu'un bandeau de fausses tresses a du etre
applique sur les cheveux naturels, ou bien que 1'artiste
a coinmis une bevue et represente une coiffure im-
possible a realiser. II faut ajouter que les cheveux qui
encadrent le front sur le buste ne sont pas ramenes en
avant et ne sont pas ondules comme ceux qui forment le
tour de front de Ste. Helene, sur le medaillon de
Londres.
Quoiqu'il en soit, les parties essentielles de la coiffure
sont les memes et 1'effet produit est analogue. Le buste
fait songer au medaillon.
II est remarquable que la coiffure de Ste. Helene ait ete
reproduite dans ses traits essentiels sur les monuments
chretiens de 1'epoque de Constantin et notamment qu'elle
ait ete attribute aux femmes des Hebreux sauvees de la
catastrophe de la mer rouge et en particulier a Marie,
sceur d' Aaron, dans les bas-reliefs des sarcophages
d'Arles et de Rome.
Je presente aux lecteurs la photographie du groupe
des Hebreux dans le bas-relief de la face anterieure
du sarcophage de 1'eglise St. Trophime a Aries (Fig. 3).
On peut observer sur cette photographie la coiffure
de Marie, soeur d' Aaron, qui tient le tambourin et est
PORTRAITS D'IMPERATRICES. 321
placee a droite de la scene. Cette coiffure se coin-
pose des trois parties essentielles de la coiffure de Ste.
Helene, a savoir : un tour de front ondule, un bandeau,
et uue calotte de ckeveux sur la tete, couvraut le crane.
Deux autres fenimes, qui se dissiinulent dans le fond
de la scene, ont des coiffures pareilles. M. Delbrueck a
signale egalement Fimitation de la coiffure de Ste.
Helene dans la peinture de Marie, soaur d'Aaron, qui fait
partie de la mosaique de 1'arc de triomphe de Ste. Marie
Majeure a Eome.15
II en resulterait que la coiffure de Ste Helene,
derivant elle-meme de celle de Galerie Valerie, aurait ete
reproduite par les sculpteurs et les peintres en niosaique
chretiens.
Les effigies de Fausta [PI. XX. 12 et 14] et la jeune
Helene [PL XX. 11] presentent un genre de coiffure
differant completement du genre de celles de Galerie
Valerie et de Ste. Helene. Fausta a remis en usage la
coiffure de Lucilla, femme de Lucius Verus,16 derivee
elle-meme de certaines coiffures de Faustine jeune.17
Elle consiste essentiellement en epaisses ondulations
courant sur la tete perpendiculairement a la longueur
des cheveux lesquels sont releves en un no3ud sur la
nuque.
La chevelure de Fausta presente un nceud inter-
mediaire entre ceux de Lucille et de Faustine. II est
forme de 1'extremite des tresses enroulees.
II est permis de se demander si Fausta n'a pas vu
15 Delbrueck, op. laud., p. 332. Cette mosaique est repre'sentee dans
J. P. Richter and A. C. Taylor, " The Golden Age of Classic Christian
Art," PI. 13-15.
16 Lady Evans, op. laud., p. 54 et PI. iv., Nos. 44 et 45.
17 Ibid., voir la coiffure toute simple et charmante de cette impera-
trice dans la Planche iv. 41 et 42.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. Z
322
JULES MAURICE.
dans 1'analogie de son nom avec celui de Faustine 18
une raison flatteuse de copier la coiffure de cette iin-
peratrice dont elle se rapprochait un peu par sa beaute,
bien que ses traits fussent moins reguliers.
Lady Evans a emis 1'opinion vraisemblable que les
tres-epaisses ondulations qui couvrent la tete de Lucille
etaient reniplies, ouatees.19 Celles de Fausta sont moins
WOK
FIG. 3. — Bas-relief d'un sarcophage.
epaisses. Les plis des cheveux courent au travers de
ces ondulations et leur masse se forme en tresses qui
se reunissent pour former le noeud de la nuque.
La coiffure de la jeune Helene non plus n'a rien de
18 Ainsi que 1'a pens6 M. Percy H. Webb, " Fausta N. F. and other
Coins," dans Num. Chron., 1908, pp. 81-83.
19 Lady Evans, >op. laud., Num. Chron., 1906, p. 54; J. Maurice,
Num. Constantin., t. ii., p. 452.
PORTRAITS D'IMPERATRICES. 323
celle a trois etages de Ste. Helene. Nous ne connaissous
la jeune Helene que par les effigies monetaires et meme,
ainsi que je 1'ai deja explique et le rappellerai plus loin,
que par ses effigies gravees sur les coins de 1'atelier de
Tliessalouica et reproduites sur les inonnaies de cet
atelier.20
La coiffure de la jeune Helene [PI. XX. 11] est de la
plus extreme simplicite. Les cheveux lisses sont ramenes
en arriere ; ils forment des plis fins et se reunissent en
quelques tresses pour former un noeud sur la nuque.
Assez voisine de celle de Fausta, cette coiffure s'eu
distingue par sa simplicite ; elle ne presente aucun
arrangement elegant, tel que les ondulatious de la cheve-
lure de Fausta.
Cette coiffure est caracteristique et distingue, d'une
facon qui me parait certaine, la jeune Helene de Ste.
Helene, a condition de considerer, comme je 1'ai fait, les
premieres pieces de Helena Augusta (Ste. Helene),
frappees a Alexandrie, comme Fayant ete avant que
Fimage officielle de cette imperatrice ne soit parvenue
en Egypte On s'explique ainsi facilenient que ces
premieres effigies ne se ressemblent pas eiitre elles,
ay ant ete mal copiees sur les pieces emises, un an
plus tot, aux noins de Fausta N(obilissima) F(emina) et
de Helena N. F.21 Les ateliers avaient en effet 1'habi-
tude a cette epoque, lorsqu'il leur manquait 1'effigie de
la personne iniperiale au nom de laquelle ils devaient
frapper monnaie, d'en einprunter une autre, de quelqtie
personne de la situation la plus voisine de celle dont le
portrait manquait.
10 Num, Constantin., t. ii., pp. 450-456.
21 Le travail de M. Gnecchi et la planche qu'il a donnee dans la
Rivista Italiana de 1890, Fasc. II. et PI. iv., sont a cet egard significatifs.
324 JULES MAURICE.
II faut egaleineiit reconnaitre, avec M. Percy Webb,
qu'exceptionnellement le buste et Feffigie de Ste. Helene
ont ete pretes a Fausta a 1'epoque ou leurs medailles
furent frappees simultanement de 324 a 326.22 C'est
meme le cas qui se presente sur uu celebre inedaillon du
Cabinet de France [PI. XX. 15]. Apres ces eliminations,
on reconnaitra qu'il existe trois types de coiffures ab-
solument caracteristiques, sous le regne de Constantin ;
;i savoir celui de Ste. Helene avec ses trois etages ; celui
de Fausta aux cheveux lisses et ondules formant une
seule masse et termines en nceud sur la nuque, celui de
la jeune Helene se rapprochant de celui de Fausta
mais ne comportant pas d'ondulations et differant totale-
ment par sa simplicite de la coiffure de Ste. Helene.
L'existence de la jeune Helene est bien etablie, a mon
avis, an point de vue historique. En effet elle ue repose pas
sur un document unique, mais sur deux : 1° Une loi du
code Theodosien dans laquelle raninistie est accordee a
beaucoup de condamnes de droit commun a 1'occasion de
la naissance du premier enfant de Crispus et de la jeune
Helene.23 2° Les monnaies frappees a Thessalonica et
ne pouvant pas etre attributes a Ste. Helene parce que
1'efKgie ne s'y presente pas sous les aspects constants
et protocolaires de celle de cette imperatrice.
Pour repondre aux objections qui m'ont ete faites,
je dois resuiner une communication a 1'Acadeinie des
Inscriptions et Belles Lettres du 22 Mai dernier24 et y
renvoyer. Les documents concernant la jeune Helene sont
rares comme ceux relatifs a Crispus parce qu'apres la mort
21 Percy H. Webb, dans Num. Chron., 1912, pp. 352-360 et PI. xxi.,
voir le No. 29.
23 Cod. Theod., libre ix., titre 38, loi 1.
21 Comptes rendus de 1' Academic des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres,
seance du 22 mai, 1914.
PORTRAITS D'IMPERATRICES. 325
de ce dernier, qui eut lieu au benefice des enfants de
Fausta, ceux-ci firent disparaitre toute trace de 1'histoire
de Crispus et de la jeune Helene. Le nom de Crispns
ne parait meme pas dans La vie de Constantin par Eusebe
publiee, apres la mort de cet auteur, dans le regne de Con-
stance II et retouchee sous 1'influence de cet empereur.
Toutes les lois relatives a la legitimation de Crispus,
qui le rendaient Fheritier de son pere, ont ete supprimees
on decoupees. Elles sont raanifestement retouchees ou
supprimees pour faire disparaitre la memoire de ce
malheureux prince.25
Le nom de Crispus, qui se trouvait en tete des lois
promulguees en faveur des Chretiens, a disparu.26 C'est
par miracle que la loi unique que nous possedons sur
Crispus et Helene nous soit parvenue. Les codes pre-
sentent d'autres exemples de lois qui ont echappe a une
destruction voulue. Apres avoir indique ces raisons de
la rarete des documents relatifs a Crispus et a la jeune
Helene, j 'attire 1'attention sur un fait tres important :
toutes les monnaies autbentiques de la jeune Helene ont
ete frappees a Thessalonica en S23-324.27
M. Percy Webb a reconnu 1'importance de ce fait.
II a bien voulu dire, pour confirmer ma classification de
ces pieces, que le style de celles memes qui ne portent
pas de marques d'atelier permet de les attribuer a
celui de Thessalonica. Mais M. Percy Webb se
demande si 1'attribution de ces pieces a cet atelier
confirme mes autres raisons de croire a 1'existence de
23 Cod. Theod., livre iv., titre 6, " de naturalibus filiis." La 1*« loi
a disparu, la seconds est incomplete. L'empereur Z6non fait allusion
a cette legislation disparue.
26 Sozomene, Hist. Eccles., i., 5.
-7 Num. Constantin., ii., 450 ff.
326 JULES MAURICE.
la jeime Helena28 Je repondrai : certainement oui ;
puisque d'une part il n'y avait aucune raison de
frapper exclusivement dans 1'atelier de Thessalonica
les raonnaies de la mere de 1'empereur, c'est a dire Ste.
Helene. II existait au contraire une raison positive
d'y frapper les monnaies de la jeune Helene et de ne
les emettre que dans cet atelier ; Crispus organisait, en
cette annee 323, a Thessalonica, la flotte avec laquelie
il devait livrer a son pere la clef de Constantinople, la-
quelie ne pouvait etre prise que par mer, et assurer ainsi
la conquete de 1'Orient. 11 etait destine a cette epoque,
et le fut jusqu'au jour de sa mort, a tenir le second
rang dans 1'empire. II etait le fils prefere de Con-
stantin le Grand. Ce fut ce qui amena sa fin tragique
provoquee par les intrigues criminelles de 1'imperatrice
Fausta.29 Constantin voulait reconstituer, au profit
de sa famille, la tetrarchie de Diocletien, et Crispus
devait occuper le rang du second Auguste. Cette
situation exceptionelle de son fils aine justifiait, en
323, la frappe des monnaies au nom et a 1'effigie de
sa femme, la jeune Helene, en meme temps de celles
de Fausta. L'ordre d'emettre ces monnaies ne pouvait
pas venir de Crispus, ainsi que M. Percy Webb s'est
demande.80 II n'y avait en 323-324 qu'une seule ad-
ministration central e des monnaies envoyant des ordres
a tous les ateliers de 1'empire.31 L'ordre venait done de
Constantin le Grand et faisait partie de son plan de
reorganisation de 1'empire, au benefice de sa famille.
28 Percy Webb, Miscellanea, dans Num. Chron., 1918, p. 378.
49 Je suis oblige de renvoyer a mon travail indiquee, en cours de
publication.
30 Dans Num. Chron., 1913, p. 378.
31 Num. Constantinienne, t. i., pp. xi., xv.
PORTRAITS D'IMPERATRICES. 327
II faisait f rapper monnaie au nom des deux impera-
trices qui allaient devenir en 326 les epouses des deux
Augustes. II donna, il est vrai, en 324, le titre
d'Augusta a Fausta, mais ce fut parce qu'il avait
eleve sa mere a ce rang. II n'en voulut pas priver sa
femme ; et en attendant qu'il put y elever la jeune
Helene, il etait naturel qu'il fit cesser remission de ses
mommies.
Ste. Helene, au contraire, ne devait pas monter en
rang. Nous savons d'autre part par Theophanes qu'elle
recut le droit d'effigie, apres la guerre d'Orient et
avant que Constantin ait commence a construire Con-
stantinople dans Byzance.32 Or cette affirmation de
Theophanes est d'accord avec le fait que des la fin de
la guerre entre Constantin et Licinius, en Orient, et
dans tout 1'empire apres cette guerre, on frappa dans
tous les ateliers monetaires des pieces au nom de
Helena Augusta, dont 1'effigie etait diademee.33 II est
naturel d'admettre que, le dire de Theophanes et le
temoignage des emissions concordant, nous pouvons
fixer le commencement de 1'emission des monnaies de
Ste. Helene apres la guerre d'Orient, a la fin de
1'annee 324.
Les projets de Constantin le Grand pour 1'annee 326,
dont il vient d'etre question, sont signales par les
monnaies comme par les lois. Si les lois avaient fait de
Crispus 1'heritier legitime de son pere, devant s'elever
au rang supreme ; M d'innombrables monnaies, d'autre
part, frappees dans tout I'empire apres la decheance
31 Theophanes, Chronographia, anno 5816 mundi.
33 Voir toutes les emissions mone'taires commenQant en 324.
34 Cf. Cod. Thtod., livre iv., et Cod. Just., livre v. Constantin fait
allusion a son propre rescrit disparu, dans Cod. Just., v. 27, 5.
328 JULES MAURICE.
de Licinius, etaient dediees a la Providence des
Augustes.85
J'ai montre que ce pluriel ne pouvait s'expliquer
que par le projet arrete de Constantin d'elever son fils
aine au rang d'Auguste et que dans d'autres occasions, il
s'etait ainsi servi des monnaies, comme moyen de pub-
licite pour faire connaitre ses intentions a ses sujets.36
Je dois, pour finir, rappeler les caracteres des portraits
de la jeune Helene que nous pouvons relever sur les
petites pieces frappees a Thessalonica.37
Cette princesse avait un cou epais, des traits lourds et
une machoire fortement accusee. Elle n'avait pas la
majeste et les nobles traits de Ste. Helene, dont le nez
aquilin, la bouche bien fendue et calme, le regard
profond et 1'expression severe du visage presagent
la figure de Constantin le Grand.38 Elle avait encore
moins le cou fin, souple et elegant, et les traits
delicats qui donnaient a la figure de Fausta une
grace seductrice. On ne peut toutefois arriver a ces
conclusions qu'en tenant conipte des substitutions
d'effigies. II est natnrel que, vivante ou morte, apres
1'effroyable drame de 326 qui vint bouleverser 1'empire
au moment ou il devait atteindre a son apogee, la jeune
Helene disparut de 1'histoire. Une loi d'avril 326
par laquelle Constantin ecarte les accusations d'adul-
tere lorsqu'elles proviennent par des parents consanguins
du mari,39 et les monnaies de Crispus frappees jusqu'en
35 Elles composent les Emissions de tous les ateliers qui debutent en
novembre 324.
36 Avant les guerres de 314 et 324; cf. Num. Constantinienne, t. i.,
190, 278, 325 ; t. ii., 450.
37 Num. Constantin., t. ii., p. 456.
38 Ibid., t. i., Planche viii.
39 Cod. Theod., ix. 7, 2 — les parents sont ainsi d6sigm's : " patrueli
consobrino et consanguineo maxirae fratri."
PORTRAITS D'IMPERATRICES. 329
jnillet 326,40 prouvent que Constantin n'avait pas
encore accepte les accusations portees centre son fils,
pendant la premiere partie de 1'annee 326, et que ce fut
au moment meme des fetes des Triennalia (juillet 326)
qu'une revelation subite qui ne put etre qu'une mise
en scene savamment ourdie comnie celle qui avait en
310 amene la mort de Maximien Hercule,41 vint de-
barrasser Fausta du rival et maitre de ses fils. Crispus
etant mort, la jeune Helene rentra forcement dans
1'ombre et lorsque les fils de Fausta regnerent, on
s'attacha a ne rien laisser subsister des memoires mal-
heureuses et condamnees de Crispus et de la jeune
Helene.
JULES MAURICE.
40 Ces pieces ont et6 6mises pour celebrer les anniversaires des
Cesars; t. ii., pp. 353, 464; t. iii., pp. 70, 205. II est probable
que ces monnaies ont etc frappees en 325 et 326.
41 Lactance, De Mwtibus Persecutorum, cxxx., confirme par le Pan6-
gyrique, vii., c. 20.
XVI.
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF
EDWARD IV.
(Continued from Vol. X. p. 145.)
(See Plates XXI.-XXIV.)
THE POST-EESTOKATION PERIOD, APRIL, 1471, TO
APRIL, 1483.
IN the consideration of the coinage of the reign of
Edward IV the writer has now reached the last of the
three periods into which it appeared naturally to divide
itself, and a brief historical survey may be desirable of
events from the final deposition of Henry VI after his
brief restoration until the death of Edward IV.
After residing in Flanders since his flight from Eng-
land in October, 1470, Edward with a few followers re-
turned and landed at Ravenspur early in March, 1471.
He was soon joined by other adherents, and at first gave
out that he had only come back to claim his Duchy of
York, but with rapidly increasing forces he shortly
dropped this pretext and, boldly proclaiming his kingly
right, advanced rapidly to London, which he entered on
April 11, having avoided the Lancastrian army under
the Earl of Warwick which had advanced northward to
meet him. Warwick had left his brother, the Archbishop
of York, in charge of the unhappy Henry VI, but this
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 331
time-serving prelate no sooner heard of the successful
advance of Edward than he hastened to secure a pardon
for himself by assisting his admission into the city and
by delivering his charge into the king's hands. After
putting King Henry together with the Archbishop into
custody, Edward went by boat to Westminster, where,
after having the crown set on his head by the Archbishop
of Canterbury, he hastened to see the queen in the
sanctuary of the Abbey, where she had lived unmolested
since his flight from England. Here in the previous
November she had given birth to their son, afterwards
Edward V, whom to his great joy she now placed in his
arms. After passing the next day (Good Friday) at West-
minster he hastened northward to meet the Lancastrian
army under Warwick, which in order to secure the capital
he had previously avoided. After the defeat and death
of the earl at the battle of Barnet, Edward proceeded to
deal with the army assembled in the west under Queen
Margaret and the young Prince Edward her son. The
victory of Tewkesbury and the death of the prince
having entirely crushed the Lancastrian cause, there
only remained the imprisoned Henry VI as a possible
obstacle in Edward's path, and he was murdered in his
prison on the night of the king's triumphant return to
London. The remainder of Edward IVs reign was occu-
pied mainly with the restoration of order in the affairs
of the State, and no important events occurred affect-
ing the coinage excepting in as far as the ecclesiastical
mints of York and Durham are to some extent concerned ;
these will be noticed in treating of these mints. The
Royal Mints of York and Bristol continued to work for
some time after Edward's return, Bristol only ceasing
to do so in July, 1472. After that date no money was
332 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
struck at any Royal Miut but the Tower.1 There
appears to have been no delay in coining money after
Edward's return, but fresh obverse dies must have been
made in all cases, as I have detected no instance of
an alteration of the king's name, but apart (in most
instances) from the mint-mark the same punches were
employed as had served for Henry VI. The annulet
mint-mark which I unhesitatingly associate with the
first coins struck after Edward's return has, I believe, a
special meaning which locates its position. The annulet
is the ring of St. Edward, which was the badge or
cognizance of Westminster Abbey, often used as an
addition to the regular shield of arms, or by itself alone.
Edward's gratitude and joy at the protection received
there by the queen during his absence, and the birth
of his son in the sanctuary would naturally have sug-
gested for the new coins such an emblem as this.2
A brief summary of the legend connected with St.
Edward's ring may here be of interest. King Edward
in his old age was present at the hallowing of a church
at Havering in Essex to be dedicated to St. John the
Evangelist. During the procession an old man begged
an alms from him in honour of God and St. John. The
king having nothing ready to give took off the ring
from his finger and gave it to the poor man, who thanked
him and departed. Some time after two English
1 Exchequer Accounts K. R. Bundle 294, No. 28.
2 It is not necessary in this connexion to assume that the king
personally selected the mint-marks, but as some of them, at least, are
obviously chosen out of compliment to him with reference to personal
events or associations, such as the sun and the rose, and as the mint
was part of the Royal establishment in the Tower, it would appear not
to be improbable that the king's approval was given for those marks
which had reference to himself even if he may not have ordered them.
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 333
pilgrims in the Holy Land who had lost their way were
met by a " fair ancient man " who spoke to them, and
after putting them on their right way told them that
he was John the Evangelist, and gave them a ring
which, as he said, he had received from their King
Edward at the hallowing of his church, and charged
them on their return to take it to the king, and say
that St. John the Evangelist had sent it to him as a
sign that he should settle all his worldly affairs, for
he would shortly be with him in heaven. The king
received the ring, which he at once recognized with joy,
and thanked God and St. John for giving him this
warning of his death, which occurred shortly after. The
ring is recorded to have been given to the monastery of
Westminster by Abbot Laurentius, who died in 1175,
and was preserved as one of the most valued relics of
the Church. It was frequently used as a cognizance of
the Abbey in all succeeding periods until the dissolu-
tion, the last instance probably being on the funeral
roll of Abbot Islip— 1533. Edward II at his coronation
offered, it is recorded, a pound of gold made like a king
holding a ring in his hand, and a mark of gold made
like a pilgrim putting forth his hand to receive it.3
Although the annulet or ring of St. Edward was very
shortly after the king's return adopted as the special
mint-mark, the short- cross fitchee used during the restora-
tion of Henry VI, and on some previous groats of
Edward IV, was at first continued to some small extent,
but in most instances it only appears on the reverse, and
is owing probably to the use of a Henry VI reverse
die, with the new annulet obverse. Bristol issued post-
restoration coins of gold and silver with the annulet
3 Dart's History of the Abbey Church of Westminster, pp. 50, 51.
334: FREDK. A. WALTERS.
mint-mark, aud it appears on pennies of the same period
struck at York, although at the latter mint the long-
established lys mint-mark is not displaced on the larger
coins. The post-restoration coins of the Koyal Mint of
York are very rare, and, so far, are only known in silver,
although according to the mint accounts gold was also
struck there, but the quantity of both metals coined was
very small. The mint accounts as far as at present
classified make no mention of any money struck at
Canterbury, but on the contrary state for several of the
later years of this reign that no money was struck any-
where but at the Tower.
On a few of what I consider the earliest annulet
coins the mint-mark on the reverse is a trefoil of
pellets joined together, which is probably emblematic
of the Trinity, seeing that the annulet had also a
religious significance, and that sacred emblems were at
the period in question rather frequent on the coins.
The earliest post-restoration angels have St. Michael
with a cross in the centre of his nimbus, and in some
instances a trefoil where its meaning is more obvious
than on the groats. The groats with the trefoil-marked
reverse have almost invariably small annulets as stops
on the obverse, and the annulet mint-mark is larger
than when it came to be used on both sides. The
annulet stops are found on no other groats of Edward IV.
One of the first necessities after the king was again
firmly seated on the throne was a new great seal, as
his last one, having been altered to serve for Henry VI
by the obliteration of his name and badges, was useless.
The new seal was a very fine one, showing the king
seated under a rich canopy wearing an arched crown
(thus long anticipating a similar presentment of the
THE COINAGE OF THE 11EIGN OF EDWARD IV. 335
royal bust on the coins).4 On either side is a shield of
arms with roses and suns in splendour (separately) above
and below. There is also a rose and a sun below and
on either side of the pedestal to the throne, while
above the king's head and below the canopy is a six-
leaved rose. The legend has roses between the words.
It will be noticed that on this last seal the roses and
suns are used separately, and are not like the former
roses on suns. I have given these details of the last
seal of Edward IV as its characteristics are found, in
some form and as circumstances suggested, on the coins
of almost all the issues after his return from exile
until his death. His family badge of the rose and his
personal badge of the sun are brought into great pro-
minence, and in a different manner from formerly. These
features were very soon introduced or revived upon the
coins, particularly on those of Bristol and the prelatical
mints. On a few half-groats of London the rose is used
as a reverse mint-mark with the annulet on the obverse;
but this is the only instance of its use on the early
silver post-restoration coins of London. At Bristol
both the rose and the sun are used as obverse mint-
marks for groats where the annulet serves for the
reverse. On the angels and half-angels, now the only
gold coins issued, the rose at once took the place of
the fleur-de lys of Henry VI, and occasionally is intro-
duced in and at the end of the reverse legend on half-
angels. A few early post- restoration angels have the
sun in place of the rose at the right of the cross, a
4 Although not used on the coins until the second coinage of Henry VII,
the arched crown is shown in the Coronation group of Henry V on his
chantry at Westminster, and over the arms of Henry VI at Croydon
Palace.
336 FllEDK. A. WALTERS.
specimen being described in the Montagu Catalogue
(Lot 593). It is a very rare coin, and I have not seen a
specimen, but several are known on which the sun can
be seen beneath a rose which has been punched over
it on the die. On the later issues of both gold and
silver, roses and suns are found as on the great seal
between some of the words of the legends, but in no
case do we find the rose on the sun, as on the pre-
restoration gold coins, which is again a following of
the principle adopted for the latest great seal. To
return to the sequence of mint-marks, the first change
was the introduction of a pellet into the centre of the
annulet, when also a distinct change is to be observed
in the character of the king's bust, which becomes
generally larger with the hair standing more away from
the face. The legend reads D6CI and the B-like E
now disappears. At the same time the position of the
annulet-and-pellet mint-mark is clear, for we find coins
on which it appears on one side, while the original
annulet alone is on the other. A special feature of
probably the earliest annulet-and-pellet groats is a
large rose at each side of the king's bust, which is,
however, discontinued very shortly, and, indeed, the
annulet-and-pellet mint-mark on any coins had a very
short life, as all are rather rare. I have a half-groat
and a halfpenny both of which are hitherto unpublished,
as is also the penny of which I have seen a specimen.
Angels and groats are much less rare than other
denomination s.
The mint-mark coming next in order is a cross with
four pellets in the angles. I place it here because
the bust and lettering on the groats approach nearest
in character to the annulet-and-pellet groats, while
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 337
the reading D6CI is continued only on the coins of
this issue and on those of the early plain cross pierced
issue which followed ; the location is confirmed by a
groat in my collection having the cross and four
pellets mint-mark on the obverse, while that on the
reverse is the cross pierced punched over the annulet
(and pellet ?).5 Angels are found with the cross
and four pellets mint-mark, but I have not seen the
smaller denominations in either gold or silver. With
this issue a new feature appears which was continued to
the end of this reign, and even after. An 7f with a V-
shaped bar is found on the obverse in ARGL', and on
the reverse in TSS, but only in these two instances,
the other TCs being unbarred, as on all previous coins.
The barred X would seem to be a privy mark to which
importance was attached, as after its first appearance it
is never wanting in the two positions mentioned. After
a very short time (judging by the fewness of the coins)
the cross and four pellets gave way as a mint-mark
to a plain cross pierced of rather the pattee form,
but the character of the bust and the reading D6CI
continued. Half groats and pennies attributable to
this period are found, but the cross mint-mark is nearly
always punched over the annulet (and pellet?). Up to
this time the fleurs to the cusps of the tressure are
always trefoils of pellets. With the next succeeding
issue a general change is to be noticed ; the king's head
becomes larger, and the features and other details are
executed with greater neatness. The fleurs of the
tressure become large three-leaved terminals, while a
new and special feature, usually of the reverse only, is
s The plain cross pierced is more often than not the reverse mint-
mark of the cross and four pellets groats.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. 2 A
338 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
the introduction of small roses or suns in the outer
legend, generally in two places, after DSVfll and
TYDIVTORGC. In this particular another feature of the
latest great seal is to be observed. The mint-mark is
now a pierced cross with a pellet in one angle — not
always the same one, but usually in the lower right or
left corner. Whether this difference of position for the
pellet was intentional or merely the result of careless-
ness there is nothing to indicate, as no other variation
is to be remarked on coins with either variety of mint-
mark. The pierced cross and pellet must have con-
tinued in use for some time as angels and groats are
very common, although smaller pieces are much rarer,
as is the case with all issues of this reign. After the
pierced cross and pellet had been in use for some con-
siderable time a return appears to have been made to
the cross pierced without any pellet, although I am
inclined to think that the position of the pellet or
pellets (which was probably a privy mark) was merely
given a different place, as on some of the groats in
question a pellet is placed on either side of the king's
neck, and between the ordinary pellets in two quarters
of the reverse, while on others a pellet is found in the
centre of the piercing of the cross mint-mark giving
the effect of a sunk circle.6 Some groats are, however,
without the pellets in any position on the obverse.
This last group I place here because the same punches
have obviously been used for the bust, &c., as were
used for some of the earlier groats of the next issue.
The halfpenny with pellets at sides of bust is known,
but I believe no other values have been discovered so
6 I am indebted to Mr. H. B. Earle Fox for calling my attention to
this groat.
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 339
far. But for this they might have seemed more correctly
located after the first variety with the pierced cross
mint-mark.
The last mint-mark adopted was the well-known
heraldic cinquefoil, which was probably in use for several
years, as the cinquefoil angels and groats are very abun-
dant, much more so than those of any other post-restora-
tion issue, while the mint accounts for the later years of
Edward's reign show a regular coinage of a considerable
amount of both gold and silver. The groats of this issue,
but not the smaller silver coins, all have a rose on the
king's breast or what has been considered to be a rose,
although I believe it to be a curled leaf of conventional
foliage ££^, as a similar object used as a mint-mark on
the York and Durham pennies, and on some Canterbury
coins at this period, certainly is. On the groats the
break in the circle is not generally visible owing to its
coming on the front of the cusp of the tressure, but
where used in other positions it is quite distinct when
well struck up. A reason for believing that the cinque-
foil was in use as a mint-mark for a lengthy period is
that we find it on groats and smaller pieces with more
than one type of bust. On the earliest it is the same as
on the last variety of the pierced cross and pellet issue,
and on the latest it exactly resembles the bust on the
groats of Edward V and Richard III, while on the groats,
at least, there are intermediate varieties. One variety
has the A with V-shaped bars in every instance where
the letter occurs in both obverse and reverse legends.
As previously stated no money was coined at any
provincial Royal Mint after the closing of that at Bristol
about July, 1472. The Archiepiscopal Mint at Canter-
bury appears to have issued half-groats which can be
2 A 2
340 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
fairly connected with all the post-restoration London
issues by the character of the king's portrait. No change
occurred on the occupancy of the See, and Cardinal
Bourchier appears to have enjoyed the uninterrupted
favour of the king, with the result that nothing occurred
to cause any very marked changes in the coinage from
the Archbishop's mint, save that his badge was latterly
omitted.
At York there were several changes, and things went
very differently, as we shall see in treating of this
mint.
At Durham the changes in the occupancy of the See
are reflected on the coins, as we shall find in treating
the issues during the period under consideration.
THE EOYAL PROVINCIAL MINTS.
THE BRISTOL MINT.
The mint at this town continued working without
interruption after the return of Edward IV and until
July, 1472, up to which date the amount of gold and
silver coined during each successive month with one
exception, is given in the Exchequer rolls,7 and here it
may be well to give the accounts in which these are set
forth.
7 Exchequer Accounts, K. B. Bundle 294, No. 20.
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWAKD IV. 341
llth of Edward IV.
Gold.
Silver.
Ibs. ozs.
Ibs. ozs.
May . .
June . .
28 3
9 4
127 3
80 6
July . .
September
October .
10 5
10 6
7 6
82 9
74 6
21 8
November
7 3
24 4
December
8 3
24 0
January .
February .
5 8
4 0
34 6
40 0
12th of Edwa
-dl
V.
March
4 6
77 3
April
May
June
6 6
3 6
5 6
85 0
68 0
75 0
July
6 9
88 6
In an account (subsequent to this latter date) of John
Wode, Esq., keeper of the exchange and money within the
Tower of London and keeper of the mints of gold and
silver in the Kingdom of England ... of profits issuing
from the exchanges and mints, in the Tower of London,
City of York and town of Bristol from the September 30,
10 Edward IV, to April 14 then following, " he does not
render account it being the time of the usurpation of
Henry VI late de facto, but not de jure king of England,
and because he (the said John) received during that
time no issues or profits of the said office nor could he
receive the same." He proceeds to state in reference
to the Bristol Mint that " he does not account for
£17 17s. 10H part of £51 17s. W±d. the amount of the
the king's seigniorage, or 117 Ibs. 3 ozs. of gold and
903 Ibs. 3 ozs. of silver weighed, worked and minted in
the king's exchange in Bristol between April 14, 11
Edward IV, and July 23, 12 Edward IV, because Hugh
Brice, deputy of Lord Hastings, master of the said mint
had and took the said £17 17s. W^d. on account of the
342 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
king and still holds the same and refuses to deliver the
same, for which £17 17s. 10^., the said Hugh Brice
ought to account to the king (which he does later). But
accounts for £34 the residue of the said £51 17s. IQ^d.
issuing from the coinage of the said 117 Ibs. 3 ozs. of
gold and 903 Ibs. 3 ozs. of silver received by him from the
hands of John Mokelowe, deputy of the said keeper of
the king's exchange in the said town for the time afore-
said."8 Although as much as 117 Ibs. 3 ozs. weight of
gold was coined into angels and probably angelets also
between May, 1471, and July, 1472, it is interesting to
note that possibly out of the whole only two angels have
come down to our times. One formerly in the Cuff collec-
tion is now in the British Museum, while another is in
the Evans collection ; both are almost identical in every
detail and have the annulet mint- mark on the obverse
only. There was no specimen of this coin in either the
Montagu or Eashleigh collections, and I have been
unable to trace any other specimen than the two I have
mentioned. Probably the earliest post-restoration groat
of Edward IV struck at Bristol is one with the rose
mint-mark on both obverse and reverse. This coin is
struck from the identical reverse die used for the Bristol
groat of Henry VI reading fiffRBICCVS (No. 1 in my
list, Num. Chron., Fourth Series, Vol. X. p. 142), where
certain peculiarities which I have noted can be readily
identified on both coins. As I have before remarked,
the mint-mark and other features used in the London
Mint would seem to have taken a little time to reach
the provincial mints, and consequently the annulet,
which I consider the earliest mint-mark introduced in
8 L.T.R. Foreign Accounts, 16 Edw. IV, No. HO.
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 343
the post-restoration period, is not found on what appear
to be the earliest Bristol coins where the rose is used
alone at first, but later it is used with the annulet as a
reverse mint-mark. The sun is also found as an obverse
mark with an annulet reverse, and some groats have the
annulet on both obverse and reverse. In the British
Museum there is a Bristol half-groat of this period
which has the rose mint-mark on the obverse and the
short- cross fitchee on the reverse (probably a Henry VI
die). It is the only specimen I have met with and
was purchased as long ago as 1840. It is to be noted
that all post-restoration coins of Bristol are without
emblems in the field of the obverse, a feature which
would appear to have continued at this mint until the
restoration of Henry VI, when it ceased, and was not
revived. No Bristol coin smaller than the half-groat
has so far been discovered of this coinage, but there is
no reason to suppose that all denominations were not
struck, particularly as we now have in the British
Museum a Bristol halfpenny of the light coinage of
Henry VI, which only came to light after I wrote on
that period.
THE ROYAL MINT AT YORK.
The Eoyal Mint at this city continued, like that at
Bristol, to work after the return of Edward IV, but its
activity was not for long, as from the mint accounts it
appears to have stopped after the following September.
As in the case of Bristol I will here give the monthly
amounts of bullion coined according to the Exchequer
rolls from April to September, 1471.
344
FEEDK. A. WALTEKS.
Gold.
Silver.
April .
Ibs. ozs.
7 4
Ibs. ozs.
38 4
May .
8 4
40 8
June .
11 6
51 4
July
9 4
44 4
August
9 6
36 6
Septembei
8 6J
31 6
Out of 54 Ibs. 6J ozs. of gold coined during these six
months into angels or angelets no specimen appears so
far to be known, and very possibly none exists, seeing
that in the case of Bristol, where more than double the
amount of gold was coined, we can only trace two angels.
In silver, groats, half-groats, and pennies are found, but
all are rare or very rare, as is to be expected when we
see how comparatively small an amount was coined.
The absence of emblems in the field of the obverse is,
as in the case of Bristol, the chief distinctive mark of
the York post-restoration coins from the Eoyal Mint.
Except on pennies the mint-mark continued to be the
invariable fleur-de-lys which had never been discon-
tinued since it displaced the sun and crown mint-marks
in the early days of the light coinage. I have a penny
with the annulet mint -mark, which, from the character
of the bust, I should place a little later than the one I
have seen with the lys mint-mark, and I am now of
opinion that the penny with the rose mint-mark and
a rose on the king's breast belongs to this period,
although I at first placed it with the earlier rose-marked
coins. The bust is distinctly of later character, and I
felt doubts about its location from the first. As the
York regal coins of this issue offer so few distinctive
marks by which they can be identified in describing
them, it is specially necessary to bear in mind that they
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 345
are to be easily recognized by the characters of the bust
and lettering, which are identical with the same features
of the restoration coins of Henry VI.
THE ECCLESIASTICAL MINTS.
YORK.
Although not in the usual alphabetical order it is
perhaps better to take first the Archiepiscopal Mint of
York as being the most important of the ecclesiastical
mints, and at this period the most historically interest-
ing. As we have already seen Archbishop Nevill
obtained a pardon from Edward IV dated April 13, 1471
(two days before Edward's entry into London), in return
for his treachery to Henry VI, and for about a year after,
until probably April, 1472, remained in favour with
the king, being entertained by him at Windsor, when
Edward promised to come and hunt with him at his
palace of the Moor near Langley in Hertfordshire, but
the day before the king should have come the Arch-
bishop was commanded to go to Windsor, and on his
arrival was arrested on a charge of high treason for
conspiring with the Earl of Oxford, the most powerful
remaining Lancastrian noble. All the goods of the
Archbishop were seized by the king's command, and he
himself was sent to Calais and thence to the Castle of
Hammes, where he lingered in prison till the autumn
of 1474, "and the king all this season took the profit
of the Archbishoprick." He returned to England after
being again pardoned, a broken man, and died a few
months later.9 After the death of Archbishop Nevill in
9 Stratford's Edward IV, pp. 210-211.
346 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
1474 the See remained vacant for a period, as Bishop
Booth of Durham was only appointed to the Arch-
bishopric on September 1, 1476, and during this
vacancy the king would enjoy the temporalities. Arch-
bishop Booth died in May, 1480. He was succeeded in
the same year by Archbishop Thomas Rotherham, who
held the See for the next twenty years until well into
the reign of Henry VII.
During all these changes the Archbishop's mint would
seem to have been continually active, and we have
pennies which appear to belong to every period. Those
which from the character of the king's bust must have
been struck very soon after the return of Edward IV
have the short-cross fi tehee pierced as a mint-mark.
Others with the lys probably were also struck during
the year previous to the imprisonment of Archbishop
Nevill. During the time of his deprivation, when the
king " took the profit of the Archbishoprick " his
emblems 6 and a key were replaced by an 6C to the left
of the king's bust, and on the right by the curious
curled leaf, formerly mistaken for a rose, to which I have
previously alluded.
The mint-mark of these pennies is a rose. It is
probable that Archbishop Nevill after his pardon and
return struck no specially marked coins, and if he
continued the working of the mint he may have used
the royal dies during the short time that elapsed before
his death. Between this event and the appointment of
Archbishop Thomas of Kotherham in 1476, the mint
would again have been in the king's hands, and there
are pennies which from the late character of the bust
are evidently attributable to this period. They have
the key, denoting the archiepiscopal mint, to the right
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 347
of the king's head, and to the left we find the curled
leaf emblem, which may readily be mistaken on badly
struck specimens for the 6 of Archbishop Nevill,
although the general character of the coins is after his
time. I have specimens with a rose mint-mark and also
with a cross, but it is uncertain whether the latter is
pierced or not. With the accession of Archbishop
liotherham the rose ceases to be used as a York mint-
mark, and he appears to have adopted and retained the
curled leaf, which, however, has been usually called a
rose. The other distinctive feature of all his coins is
the letter T to the left of the king's bust. On some a
mullet or star is introduced either on the king's breast
or to the right of the crown or sometimes in both places.
The mint would not appear to have issued so large an
amount as previously during the latter part of the
reign of Edward IV, as the pennies of both Archbishop
Rotherham and the periods of the Royal occupation
are not nearly so numerous as those of Archbishop
Nevill.
THE CANTERBURY MINT.
Although it has been assumed that both a royal and
an ecclesiastical mint continued to be worked at Canter-
bury during the latter part of the reign of Edward IV,
it would appear to be very doubtful whether any coins
were struck in that city except at the Archbishop's
mint. After the closing of the mints at Bristol and
York, the mint accounts state that no money was minted
anywhere but at the Tower, and even apart from this
evidence it would seem unlikely that,, when so much
more important provincial mints were definitely closed,
348 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
one should have been continued at Canterbury for merely
striking a few half-groats and smaller coins. We find
half-groats, with the Bourchier knot and other ecclesi-
astical emblems, which from the character of their details
can be identified with the London coins of similar value
of every succeeding issue after the return of Edward IV
until the cinquefoil was introduced, when the Canterbury
half-groats cease without exception to bear the special
badge of Cardinal Bourchier, and the mint-mark adopted
is a rather large rose for both obverse and reverse.
Whether the Archbishop was directed to make less dis-
play of his own cognizances or whether he thought it more
politic to do so as the king's power became more abso-
lute there is no evidence at present to show, but the con-
tention that these rose-marked half-groats are ecclesiastical
is strengthened by the fact that what are evidently the
latest do bear a rather unobtrusive ecclesiastical emblem
in having as an obverse mint-mark a cross fitchee which
at first sight seems quite out of place here. It is,
however, one of the crosses fitchee that are woven
on the archiepiscopal pallium or pall, and has nothing
to do with the similar London mint-mark of the earlier
part of this reign. These half-groats have the cinque-
foil for the reverse mint-mark as used on the London
coins, which would only seem to have reached Canter-
bury quite at the last, as the coins on which it appears
are very uncommon. Pennies and also halfpennies are
found corresponding with the late rose-marked half-
groats, but I have seen no specimen with either the
cross fitchee or cinquefoil mint-marks. All coins of this
late issue, except those with the cross fitchee, have a
CC on the king's breast, and some of the half-groats have
it in the centre of the cross on the reverse, some are said
THE COINAGE OF THE EEIGN OF EDWARD IV. 349
to have a rose instead of the CC on the obverse or reverse,
but it is really the curled leaf emblem, although a dis-
tinctly struck specimen is very rarely to be met with.
A penny with the Bourchier knot under the bust and
no emblems in the field, which I at first attributed to
the earlier part of this reign, I now consider to belong
to an early post-restoration issue.
THE DURHAM MINT.
Bishop Laurence Booth, who was so high in favour
with the king that he was appointed Lord Chancellor
in 1473, obtained a charter dated July 21 in that year,
by which he and his successors were allowed to coin both
pennies and halfpennies, and also to make trussels and
standards for the same during the king's pleasure. The
grant recites that it had been immernorially the privi-
lege of the Bishop of this See to coin the former but
never the latter. Bishop Booth, by his licence dated
August 26, the same year that he received his charter,
authorizes William Omoryche of York, goldsmith, to
grave and print two dozen of trussels and one dozen of
standards for pennies, and four standards and eight
trussels for halfpennies. Another licence, dated
August 4 following, to the same person was to grave
and print three dozen of trussels and two dozen of
standards for pennies, but no mention is made of half-
pennies.10
On September 1, 1476, Bishop Booth was promoted
to the Archbishopric of York, and was succeeded by
Bishop Dudley, who, although elected on the 26th of the
10 Mark Noble, " On the Mint and Coins oftiie Episcopal-Palatines of
Durliam," p. 39.
350 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
same month, did not have the temporalities restored to
him until October 14, 1477, or more than a year after-
wards, during which interval the mint as part of the tempo-
ralities would have been in the hands of the king and
worked by his deputy. Bishop Dudley, in consequence
of the charter granted to Bishop Booth, gave his licence,
dated March 21 in the first year of his consecration, to
William Omoryche, who is now called of Durham, to
make, grave, and print three dozen of trussels and two
dozen of standards for pennies, and two dozen of trussels
and one dozen of standards for halfpennies within the
Castle of Durham.
Bishop Dudley died in 1483, the same year as the
king.
What may be considered the earliest type of post-
restoration pennies of Durham are apparently from
London-made dies ; they have B to the left and D to the
right of the king's bust, and on the reverse there is a
B in the centre of the cross. After Bishop Booth
obtained his charter the pennies struck from the dies
made by William Omoryche are easily recognized from
their different character and inferior workmanship.
Those which are probably from the first set of dies
ordered have a B to the left of the crown, which latter
is varied from all previous examples in having a leaf of
five points in the centre instead of the usual fleur-de-lys.
A curious object which resembles a V is conspicuous on
these coins. It is placed on the obverse in the centre
of the king's neck, and on the reverse with the pellets
in the second quarter. The only meaning that I can
suggest for this peculiar emblem is that it denotes the
dies made by William Omoryche, as it occurs on all
that are from their workmanship attributable to him,
THE COINAGE OF THE KEIGN OF EDWARD IV. 351
although it is not clear why he should use this mark,
and possibly it had no meaning, and was merely a fancy
of his own. Some of the pennies of which we are
speaking have a cross at each side of the neck, which
would seem to be another mark of the die engraver.
Very similar pennies which it may be permissible to
attribute to the second set of dies ordered of William
Omoryche omit the V on the breast, but retain it in the
same position on the reverse, while the two small
crosses are now placed above the king's crown instead of
at the sides of the neck. On all these pennies of both
varieties the mint-mark is a rose, and there is a D in the
centre of the cross on the reverse. After the translation
of Bishop Booth to York, and during the year which
elapsed before the temporalities were restored to Bishop
Dudley, the mint would have been in the hands of the
king's deputy, and the coins attributable to this period
are quite unmistakable owing to their being from
London-made dies with the king's bust corresponding
in character with the later London pennies, and they
are usually better struck than the preceding and suc-
ceeding episcopal issues. Apart from their distinctive
character their only special mark is a lys at each side of
the king's bust. The mint-mark is the curled leaf, and
on some there is a D in the centre of the reverse cross,
while others are without it. The inferior work of
William Omoryche is at once recognizable in the pennies
struck for Bishop Dudley ; they vary little from those of
Bishop Booth save in having a I) to the left of the
king's neck, and V to the .right, while D is continued in
the centre of the reverse.
Although Bishop Booth had made four standards and
eight trussels for halfpennies, and Bishop Dudley two
352 FEEDK. A. WALTERS.
dozen trussels and one dozen of standards for the same
small coins, only one specimen appears, as far as I can
ascertain, to be at present known. It is in the British
Museum, and resembles the ordinary light halfpennies
on the obverse, while the reverse reads dlVITTVS D6CR7SSH
with D in the centre of the cross. In Num. Chron., N.S.
Vol. I. p. 21, Mr. Christmas alludes to one in his col-
lection with a lys each side of the head. This would
correspond with the pennies struck during the royal
occupancy of the mint, and would prove that halfpennies
continued to be struck after Bishop Booth's time until
their issue was resumed by his successor.
There is a question in connexion with the coins
struck during the episcopate of Bishop Booth that I
have not found possible to solve in a satisfactory manner.
It has been said that this Bishop behaved so discreetly
during the troubled period of his episcopate that he
enjoyed the confidence and esteem of both parties,
although he was probably at heart a Yorkist. There
seems to be no evidence that he was at any time in
disgrace with Edward IV, or had his revenues seques-
trated, yet there are pennies of more than one period
presenting the same characteristics as those struck while
the king was in possession of the temporalities between
the translation of Bishop Booth and their restoration to
Bishop Dudley. I refer to the early pennies with the
crown mint-mark, and to a later variety on which the
bust is quite of the 147 1 type. These are some of the
coins that gave rise to the assumption that there was a
Koyal Mint at Durham, which it is now admitted was
never the case. I trust, however, that others may be
able now or later to clear up the difficulty.
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 353
LIST OF COINS.
COINS OP THE LONDON MINT AFTER APRIL, 1471, DURING
THE PERIOD WHEN THE SHORT-CROSS FITCHEE PIERCED
AND THE ANNULET WERE IN USE.
GOLD.
Angels.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark short cross fitchee pierced. ffDWTTED A
DI * 6R7V A E6CX A TTOGL A <> •«• FET^RCC Y St.
Michael slaying the dragon as on the angels of
Henry VI ; a cross in the centre of the nimbus
of the archanel.
Rev.— No mint-mark. P6CE ttEYSff' TV7T S7VLV7S
ROS XP(T EffDO;' TOE Ship with shield of
arms and cross above all as on angels of
Henry VI, but an &. to the 1. and a rose to the
r. of the cross. [PI. XXI. 2.]
British Museum.
2. Obv. — Minkmark annulet (to 1. of angel's head). Legend
as No. 1, but D6CI instead of DI ; .trefoil stops.
Eev.— No mint-mark. All as No. 1, but
trefoil stops between words. F. A. W.
3. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet (to r. of angel's head). All
as No. 1, but reads FETTRCCIGC trefoil stops.
Rev. — No mint-mark. Legend, &c., as No. 1, but
; saltire stops. F. A. W.
4. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet to r. ; legend as No. 1, but
DGCI ; trefoil stops ; trefoil in centre of nimbus
of St. Michael.
Rev. — No mint-mark. Legend as No. 1 ; trefoil stops.
F. A. W.
5. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet to r. Legend as No. 1 ; no
cross or trefoil in nimbus of St. Michael.
Rev. — No mint-mark. Legend as No. 1, but EGCDeCTO'
F. A. W.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. 2 B
354 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
6. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet. All as last, but DGCI
Rev. — Legend as No. 1. [PI. XXI. 5.] British Museum.
Half-angels.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark short cross fitchee pierced. 0
CTRVX A TtVeC r SPeCS y V r niCCfi x Usual
obverse type of the archangel Michael pierc-
ing the dragon.
Rev.— No mint-mark. ffDWTYRD DI GRTT EGCX
7YR6L' ^ FE7T Usual reverse type of ship
with 6C and rose at sides of mast.
[PL XXI. 4.] British Museum.
2. Obv.— Mint-mark annulet. 6CDW7TED DI 6E7T R6CX
7YR6L' Usual obverse type.
Rev. — Mint-mark annulet and rose side by side. O
dRVX 7VVGC Y SPSS A VRICC7Y r Usual
reverse type. British Museum.
3. 0&0.«— Mint-mark annulet. eCDWT^RD Y DI Y 6E7V A
RffX Y 7VR6L A Usual obverse type ; ci'oss
in nimbus of angel.
Rev.— Mint-mark annulet. 0 dRVX Y TTVeC A SP6CS
© VnidTY ^ © Rose after SP6CS and
; usual reverse type. F. A. W.
SILVER.
Groats.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark large annulet. ffDWTTRD DI
6R7V RffX o KYlGL <> FETTRtt Annulet
stop after DI and ESX ; bust exactly as on
restoration groats of Henry VI.
Rev. — Mint-mark short cross fitchee pierced. POSVI
mvm r TYDIVTORGC mecvm QIVIT^S
LORDOR The same B-like R's as on restora-
tion groats of Henry VI. [PL XXI. 3.]
THE COINAGE OF THE EEIGN OF EDWARD IV. 355
2. Obv. — Mint-mark short cross fitchee pierced ; usual
legend and type.
Rev. — Large trefoil ; usual legends and type.
L. A. Lawrence Collection.
3. Obv. — Mint-mark large annulet. ffDWTTRD' ° DI
GR7V ° RSX ° TtnSL' oy FRTmCC An-
nulet stop after all words except DI and
FR7VRGC ; all cusps of tressure fleured.
Rev. — Mint-mark large trefoil ; legends as No. 1 ; no
stops ; usual cross and pellets. F. A. W.
4. Obv. — Mint-mark smaller annulet; legend as No. 1,
but saltire stops ; all cusps of tressure fleured.
Rev. — Mint-mark large trefoil ; usual legends ; trefoil
after DSVm F. A. W.
5. Obv. — Mint-mark smaller annulet ; legend as No. 1 ;
saltire stops ; cusps of tressure above crown
not fleured.
Rev. — Mint-mark smaller annulet ; usual legends ; no
stops.
6. Obv. — Mint-mark smaller annulet ; legends as No. 1 ;
trefoil stops.
Rev. — Mint-mark smaller annulet ; usual legends ;
saltire stops. [PI. XXI. 7.]
7. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet; usual legends and type;
saltire stops ; all cusps of tressure fleured.
Rev. — Mint-mark annulet enclosing pellet ; usual
legends ; no stops. [PI. XXI. 8.] F. A. W.
Half-groats.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark annulet. 6CDW7VRD' x DI x 6R7V
EGCX x 7TRGL S FR Saltire stops ; similar
bust to Henry VI restoration half-groats ;
cusps of tressure above crown not fleured.
Rev.— Mint-mark annulet. POSVI D6CV5H 7VDIV-
TOR6C maVftl CQVITfiS LCmDOR Pellets
united as trefoils. [PI. XXI. 10.] F. A. W.
356 FREDK. K. WALTERS.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet; legend as No. 1, arch on
breast plain.
Rev. — Mint-mark rose ; usual type and legends.
L. A. Lawrence Collection.
3. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet ; legend as No. 1 ; all cusps
of tressure fleured.
Rev. — No mint-mark ; usual legends ; pellets trefoil-
wise. W. M. Maish.
Pennies.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark annulet. 6CDW7TRD DI 6E7I E6CX
7TR6L
Rev.— aiVITTYS LORDOR Usual cross and pellets
(not united). F. A. W.
2. Obv. — Short cross fitchee pierced ; " restoration " type
of bust ; legend as No. 1 .
Rev.— No mint-mark ; usual type. dlVITTVS LORDOR
Half-penny.
Obv.— Mint-mark annulet. 6CDW7YRD DI 6R7T EffX
Rev.— dlVITTVS LORDOR Pellets united as trefoils.
F. A. W.
COINS FROM THE LONDON MlNT WHILE THE ANNULET
ENCLOSING PELLET WAS USED AS A MINT-MARK.
GOLD.
Angels.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark annulet. ffDWTVRD' A DQI A 6R7V A
R6CX A 7VR6L A^A FRTVRd A Usual type
for angels.
Rev. — Mint-mark annulet enclosing pellet. P6CR
ccRvaam x TVTT x STVLVTV x ROS x xpa' x
RffDecmPT' Usual type; 6C to r. of cross
and to 1. rose punched over a sun.
[PI. XXII. 1.]
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 357
2. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet enclosing pellet.
6CDW7TRD A Dai v GRft r RaX * 7YOGL
A<>r FRTYnOU Usual obverse type.
Rev.— Annulet enclosing pellet. P6CR dRVdfffll
TV7T SfiLVTY ROS XPff RSDamPT Sal-
tire stops ; usual reverse type ; GC to 1. and
sun to r. of mast.
Montagu Collection, lot 593.
3. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet enclosing pellet ; legend as
No. 1 ; angel rather shorter and somewhat
different to usual character ; saltire" stops.
Rev.— No mint-mark. PffR dRVSa TV7V STtLVTY A
DOS XPd RGDamTO a to 1., rose to r. of
cross. F. A. W.
Half-angel. None discovered or recorded.
SILVER.
Groats.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet enclosing pellet. 6CDW7TRD'
Dai x GR7F x Rax x 7TR6L' £ FRTYnCC
Larger bust with more bushy hair ; rose in
field each side of bust. All cusps of tressure
fleured with trefoils of pellets rather larger
than on last issue.
Rev. — Mint-mark annulet enclosing pellet ; usual type
and legends ; saltire stop. [PL XXI. 9.] The
R's in the legends cease to resemble B's and
return to the usual form.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet enclosing pellet.
6CDW7VRD' x DSI x GR7T Rax x TmGL' ^
FR7TRCC x All arches of tressure fleured ;
same bust as last ; no roses in the field.
Rev. — Mint-mark annulet enclosing pellet ; usual
reverse type and legends.
3. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet enclosing pellet.
DI aRTT RaX x TYRGL' FRTYnd x
Rev. — Mint-mark annulet enclosing pellet; usual
legends and type.
358 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
Half -groat.
Obv.— Annulet enclosing pellet. ffDWTSRD DGtl
GRTt RflX 7VR6L ^ FR7Y Peculiar bust;
no emblems or marks ; cusps of tressure
above crown, and on breast not fleured.
Eev — Mint-mark rose. POSVI DQTfll 7VDIVTOR6C
mavm— diviTTvs LORDOR Usual type;
pellets united as trefoils. [PL XXI. 11.1
F. A. W.
Penny.
Obv. — Mint-mark annulet enclosing pellet. 6C D W7VR D
Dai 6R7Y RffX TTRGLa Bust correspond-
ing with larger pieces.
Eev.— dlVITfiS LORDOR Usual cross and pellets.
W. T. Ready.
Half-penny.
Obv. — Mint-mark annulet enclosing pellet. ffD W7VRD
DI 6K7V R6CX
Eev.— dlVlTTYS LORDOR Pellets united as trefoils.
F. A. W.
THE CROSS AND FOUR PELLETS MINT-MARK.
Angels.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark cross with pellet in each angle.
Dffl x 6R7T x RffX x
# FRTYRtt * A ^ Large trefoil at end of
legend. St. Michael and the dragon as
before ; no cross in nimbus.
Rev. — Mint-mark cross with pellet in each angle.
aRvaam TVTT STYLVTT ROS xpa'
Type as usual. [PI. XXII. 3.]
2. Obv.— All as No. 1.
Eev. — Mint-mark plain cross pierced ; legend and type
as before.
Half-angel. None discovered so far.
THE COINAGE OP THE EEIGN OF EDWARD IV. 359
Groats.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark cross with pellet in each angle.
dDWftRD' Ddl * GR7T x RdX x ARGL' £
FRTYRd *. Large trefoils of pellets or fleurs
to all cusps of the tressure ; bust varying
from the last type, more bushy hair and
crown larger and higher ; the X in ARGL
has now for the first time a V-shaped bar.
Rev. — Mint-mark cross with pellet in each angle;
usual legends and type. The A in TSS has
the V-shaped bar for the first time.
[PI. XXII. 4.]
2. Obv. — Mint-mark cross with pellet in each angle ;
portrait and legends as No. 1.
Rev. — Mint-mark plain cross pierced ; legends and type
as usual.
3. Obv. — Mint-mark cross with pellet in each angle ;
legend and type as No. 1, with barred A in
Rev. — Mint-mark cross punched over annulet (and
pellet ?) usual legends and type, but no barred
7T in TftS
Half-groats. None have been so far discovered.
Pennies or halfpennies are still unknown.
THE CROSS PIERCKD MINT-MARK (FIRST VARIETY).
Angel.
Obv.— Mint-mark cross pierced. dDWTYRD' x Ddl x
GR7T x EdX x TmGL £ FRfiRd x Usual
type.
Rev.— Mint-mark cross pierced. PffR dRVdffm
TV7V S7YLV7Y ROS XPd RdDffmPT Usual
reverse type. A. H. Baldwin.
360 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
Half-angel.
Obv. — Cross punched over annulet (and pellet?).
ffDWTTRD DffI 6RTC RffX 7Yn6Lff Usual
type.
Rev. — Cross over annulet (and pellet ?). £ 0 £ CCRVX
TCVff © SPffS xvnidfi* Usual reverse
type. British Museum.
Groats.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark plain cross pierced. GCDWTVRDx
DffI x 6R7T x RffX x AI76L' xy FRfina
Bust very similar to the last issue ; trefoil
terminals to all points of tressure.
Rev. — Mint-mark plain cross pierced ; usual legends
and type ; barred X in TXS.
[PL XXII. 5.]
2. Obv. — Mint-mark plain cross pierced ; legend as No. 1.
Rev. — Mint-mark pierced cross with pellet in first
quarter ; usual legends as last.
Half -groats.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark pierced cross over annulet (and
pellet ?). ffD W7VKD D€CI 6E7T K6CX 7VR6L
^. FKT^R Bust corresponding with groat ;
all cusps of tressure fleured with trefoils of
pellets.
Rev. — Mint-mark pierced cross with pellet in fourth
quarter ; usual legend and type ; pellets tre-
foilwise. [PI. XXII. 7.]
2. Obv. — Mint-mark cross over annulet (and pellet ?) ;
legend as No. 1.
Rev. — Mint-mark cross over annulet (and pellet ?) ;
usual legend and type ; pellets trefoil wise.
Pennies.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark cross over annulet (and pellet).
EDWARD Dffl 6R7T EffX TTOGLff This
obverse is from the same die as the penny
previously described under the annulet and
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 361
pellet issue before the cross had been punched
over the original mint-mark. Guided mainly
by this penny, I have ascribed all coins from
dies showing the cross punched over the
annulet to having been struck from dies
originally belonging to the annulet and pellet
issue, to which their other characteristics
also locate them.
No mint-mark. dlVITTTS LORDOR Usual
design ; pellets not united. [PI. XXI. 12.]
2. Obv. — Mint-mark plain cross (pierced ?).
DSI 6Rfi RdX TmGL' Large bust with
bushy hair.
Rev.— No mint-mark. CCIVITfiS LORDOR Pellets
not united. F. A. W.
Halfpenny.
Obv.— Mint-mark cross pierced. aDWTTRD Dffl
GRfi RSX
Rev.— aiVITTTS LORDOR Usual type ; pellets tre-
foilwise. F. A. W.
THE PIERCED CROSS AND ONE PELLET ISSUE.
Angels.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark cross pierced. GCDWT^ED'x DffI *
6R7Y x RaX x 7VR6L <> FETTRtt Usual
obverse type.
Rev. — Mint-mark cross pierced with pellet in fourth
quarter. PffRdRVdam £ TVA £ SftLVTV £
ROS x XPd * RSDamPT Usual reverse
type.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced pellet in third quarter ;
legend as last, but reads DI ; usual obverse
type.
Rev. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in third
quarter ; legend as No. 1 ; usual reverse type.
362 FEEDK. A. WALTERS.
Half-angel.
Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in third
quarter. ffDWTVED' x DI x QRK x KGCX x
Usual obverse type.
Rev. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in fourth
quarter. x 0 x CCRVX x 7YV6C © SPffS x
VRIOC7T # Usual reverse type; rose after
7VT6C, sun after VnidTt. [PI. XXII. 9.]
Groats.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in fourth
quarter. GCDWTTRD'x DI x GR7T x E6CX x
SR6L £ FRTmCC Large bust, with full
bushy hair; cusps of tressure, except those
above crown and on breast, fleured with
large three-leaved terminals.
Rev. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in fourth
quarter. POSVI x D€CVm x TTDIVTORGC'x
mecvm— aiviTAS Loncon Usual cross
and pellets. [PI. XXII. 11.]
2. Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in fourth
quarter ; legends and type as No. 1.
Rev. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in third
quarter ; rose after DQTJR
3. Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in third
quarter; legend and type as No. 1.
Rev. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in fourth
quarter.
4. Obv. — Mint-mark as last ; legend and type as before.
Rev. — Mint-mark as last ; rose after D6CVJH, sun after
TYDIVTORff
5. Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced; pellet in third quarter.
Rev. — Mint-mark cross pierced ; pellet infourth quarter;
sun after
THE COINAGE OP THE EEIGN OF EDWAKD IV. 363
Half-groat.
Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in third
quarter. SDWTYRD'x DI x GKTV'x EffX x
7\[RGL £ FKTTx Large pellet trefoils as
cusps to tressure ; no fleurs on breast or
above crown.
Rev. — Cross punched over annulet (and pellet?).
POSVI Davm TtDivTOKec mavm—
dlVITTVS LORDOR Pellets trefoilwise.
[PI. XXII. 6.] F. A. W.
Pennies.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in fourth
quarter. ffDWfiRD' D6CI 6R7V' R6CX 7VRGL
Late type of bust, with larger face and less
bushy hair.
Eev.— No mint-mark. dlVITTTS LORDOR Usual
type. F. A. W.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in third
quarter ; legend as No. 1.
Rev.— Mint-mark cross pierced. GCIVITTVS LORDOR.
[PI. XXII. 12.]
Halfpenny.
Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced, with pellet in third
quarter. ffDWTVED Dffl GRfi EffX
Rev.— CCIVITfiS LORDOR Pellets trefoilwise.
F. A. W.
THE PIERCED CROSS MINT-MARK (SECOND TYPE).
Angel.
Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced. 6CDW7TED x DI r
6EA r EffX A 7YR6L A^ r FKTmCC Usual
type.
Eev.— No mint-mark. PffR x dRVdffm x TVfi x
STCLV7T x ROS x XPd KffDecmPT Usual
reverse type. British Museum.
On account of the reading DI this is placed here, but
364 FEEDK. A. WALTERS.
with the gold there is not the same difference of character
as with the silver by which to distinguish the second
from the first variety of this mint-mark.
Groats.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced. CtDWTtRD DI GKft
K6CX SR6L S FRT^nd Large bust with
bushy hair ; large three-leaved fleurs to cusps
of tressure ; none on bust.
Rev. — Mint-mark cross pierced ; usual legends and
type ; rose after DQTfll
2. Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced ; legend as last, and
bust of similar character with a pellet each
side in the field ; cusps above crown and on
breast not fleured.
Rev. — Mint-mark cross pierced ; usual legends ; rose
after 7YDIVTOR6C ; small extra pellet in
second and fourth quarters.
3. Obv. — Mint-mark cross pierced of rather pattee form,
with pellet in centre of sinking ; legend as
No. 1.
Rev. — Mint-mark pierced cross ; usual legends ; rose
after 7TDIVTOK6C ; extra pellet in second and
fourth quarters. H. B. Earle Fox.
4. Obv. — Mint-mark pierced cross pattee with pellet in
centre ; legend and bust as No. 1 ; no fleurs
above crown or on breast.
Rev. — Mint-mark pierced cross pattee with pellet in
centre ; usual legends ; rose after DffVSft ;
usual type ; no extra pellet in quarters of
cross. H. B. Earle Fox.
Half-groats and pennies have not so far been noted, but as
the half -penny is known, they may probably
be looked for.
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 365
Half -penny.
Obv.— Mint-mark cross pierced. SDW7IED D6CI 6E7V
E&X Pellet each side of bust.
Rev.— dlYlTTVS LOODOn Usual type.
[PI. XXII. 8.] F. A. W.
THE CINQUEFOIL MINT-MARK.
Angels.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil. GCDWTYED'x
DGCI * 6E7T x E6CX x 7YRGL' x S FETmCC x
Usual obverse type.
Rev. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil. P€[R
dEvaecm x TVTTX STVLVTV x nos x XPCC x
EffDamPT Usual reverse type.
[PL XXIII. 1.]
2. Obv.— All as last.
Bev.— As last, but
3. Obv. and Bev.— As No. 1, but
4. Obv. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil ; legend as No. 1 ;
saltire stops.
Rev. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil. Pff
TV7V SfiLVTt RS RffDamPT No stops.
Montagu Collection, No. 596.
Half-angels.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil over cross pierced.
GCDWT^ED x DI x 6E7V x E6CX x T^RGL'
Usual type.
Rev. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil over cross pierced.
x o CCEVX x Trvec @ spas x vnia7v © x
Rose after 7VV6C and VRICCT^ ; usual reverse
type. F. A. W.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil ; legend and type
as No. 1.
Rev. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil ; legend and type
as last ; rose after CCEVX and SPGCS
Montagu Collection, No. 600.
366 FKEDK. A. WALTERS.
Groats.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil. 6CDW7TKD DI
6E7V RaX 7TOGL <> FRTmd Rose after
7VR6L ; rose (or curled leaf) on breast.
Bev. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil ; usual legends ;
rose after DffVfll
N.B. — On the groats of this issue the " roses " on the
breast and in legends appear to be the curled leaf and
not regular roses as on previous issues.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil ; legend as No. 1,
but all X's with V-shaped bars ; rose or
curled leaf on breast.
Rev. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil ; usual legends,
with all A's barred ; rose after DGCVSR
3. Obv. and Bev. — All as last, but A's barred only in
SR6L and TAS [PI. XXIII. 2.]
4. Obv. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil, with pellet to 1. ;
all cusps of tressure fleured ; " rose " on
breast ; late type of bust like Richard III.
Bev. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil, with pellet to 1. :
usual legend; curled leaf after POSVI and
TYDIVTOKa ; small extra pellet in centre of
group in first quarter.
5. Obv. and Bev. — As No. 1, but no roses or suns in
legends.
Half -groats.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil. 6CDW7TRD
Dai 6R7T RSX TTOGL <> FE7V Bust with
long and outstanding hair.
Bev. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil ; usual legends
and type. F. A. W.
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 367
2. Obv. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil ; legend as last,
but different type of bust with fuller face,
short neck, and smaller hair ; all cusps of
tressure fleured except that on breast.
Rev. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil ; legends as last ;
pellets trefoilwise. [PI. XXIII. 3.]
British Museum.
Pennies.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil. GCDWTCRD
D€CI 6R7T RffX 7VR6L' Bust with long
hair and large crown.
Rev.— dlVITfiS LOnDOR Usual type.
2. Obv. and Rev. — All as last, but different bust, similar
to that on No. 2 half-groat.
[PI. XXIII. 4.] British Museum.
Halfpennies.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil.
Dffl GRft RSX Usual type.
Rev.— aiYITTVS LORDOR Pellets trefoilwise.
2. Same as last, but reads DI
THE PROVINCIAL ROYAL MINTS.
COINS STRUCK AT BRISTOL PROM MAY, 1471, TO JULY, 1472.
Angels.
1 . Obv. — Mint-mark annulet, with small trefoil in centre.
6CDW7TRD Dffl GRTC R6CX 7TO6L <>
FET^nOCY Trefoil in centre of the archangel's
nimbus and at each side of the cross in his
hand.
Rev.— No mint- mark. P€CR $ ttRVSeC' A TVTC
S7VLV7T r nOS r XPd'v KffDffTOR r Usual
reverse type, with 6C and rose at sides of ship's
mast ; B in the waves beneath.
Evans Collection.
368 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet ; legend as last ; no stops,
but the trefoils after FBTmCC Trefoil in
archangel's nimbus.
Rev. — No mint-mark ; legend as last ; two trefoils
after P6CE and one after dBVSeC, S7VLV7T,
ROS, and XPCC. [PL XXIII. 5.]
British Museum, from the Cuff Collection.
Groats.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark rose. GCDWTttU)' DI r 6E7T E6CX v
7YR6L A^*FE7Tna Bust of the restora-
tion type ; B on breast ; no emblems in the
field ; tressure fleured with small trefoils ; no
fleurs above crown.
Rev.— Mint-mark rose. POSVI DGCVm x TVDIVTOEeC
mecvm - XXVILLTV x BEISTOW - The v
in Villa has been a W of which the first part
has been obliterated by punching two saltire
stops over it. [PI. XXIII. 6, 7.]
The reverse of this coin is from the same
die as the groat of Henry VI reading
fySREICIVS Both coins are shown on the
plate for comparison. F. A. W.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark rose ; legend and other details as
No. 1 ; B on breast.
Rev. — Mint-mark annulet; usual outer legend. VILL7V
BRISTOW F. A. W.
3. Obv. — Mint-mark sun ; legend, &c., as No. 1 ; B on
breast.
Rev. — Mint-mark annulet ; usual outer legend. VILL7V
BRISTOW F. A. W.
4. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet ; legend, &c., as No. 1 ;
cusps over crown fleured ; B on breast ;
trefoil stops.
Rev. — Mint-mark annulet ; usual outer legend ; trefoil
stop after DGCVm - VILL7T r BEISTOW
[PI. XXIII. 9.]
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OP EDWARD IV. 369
5. Obv. — Mint-mark annulet, all as last ; trefoil stop.
Rev. — No mint-mark ; usual outer legend ; no stops.
VILLft BRISATOW [PI. XXIII. 8.]
Half-groat.
Obv.— Mint-mark rose. ffDWTYRD r DI GK7T R6CX
7TI76L ^ FR7V B on breast; no emblems
in field.
Rev. — Mint-mark short cross fitchee pierced. POSVI
Decvm TVDIVTORGC mavsn - VILLTY
BRISTOW Pellets trefoilwise.
[PI. XXIII. 10.] British Museum.
COINS STRUCK AT YORK FROM APRIL TO SEPTEMBER, 1471.
Gold.
No angels or angelets have so far been discovered,
although a certain amount of gold was coined
at the York Mint during this period.
Silver.
Groats.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark lys. ffDWTVRD DI GRTf r
7YI76L A<^ FRTVnCC GC on breast; no em-
blems in field. Small trefoil fleurs to cusps
of tressure ; bust of the period of the restora-
tion.
Rev.— Mint-mark lys. POSVI
mecvm aiviT^
[PI. XXIV. 1.]
N.B.— Both sides have the B-like R's of
this period.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark lys ; legend, &c., as last, but saltire
stops after all words but DI and FRTTRCC ;
no emblems in field.
Reo. — All as last.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. 2 C
370 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
Half-groat.
Glv.— Mint-mark lys. eCDWTTRD' DI x 6R7f x RffX
7TR6L <> FR7TR No 6C on breast ; all cusps
of treasure fleured with small trefoils except
those above crown ; no emblems in field.
Eev.— Mint-mark lys. POSVI
metVm - dlVITTCS eCBORTtai Pellets
separate. [PI. XXIV. 2.] F. A. W.
Pennies.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark lys. EDWARD DI 6Rfi RGtX
7VR6L Bust of the restoration period ; no
emblems in field.
Eev.— dIVITfiS eCBORTVdl Cross with quatrefoil
in centre, and usual pellets in angles.
H. B. Earle Fox.
2. Obv.— Mint-mark annulet. 6CDW7VRD DI 6R7V
R6CX 7YR6 " Restoration " type of bust ;
no emblems in field.
Eev.— dlVITTTS aBORftdl Cross with quatrefoil
in centre and usual pellets not found.
[PI. XXIV. 3.] F. A. W.
3. Obv.— Mint-mark rose. 6CDWARD DI 6R7V R6CX
7VR6L Bust of late character, with rose on
breast.
Rev. — Cross with quatrefoil in centre and usual pellets.
CQVITTYS aBORTtdl
This last may be a sede vacanle coin of
later date.
In the first portion of this reign (Num. Chron., Fourth
Series, Vol. IX. p. 175) reasons are given for the assump-
tion that the quatrefoil in the centre of the cross, although
originally a mark of the archiepiscopal mint, had by this
time become so identified with the York pennies that it
was used on these coins from both mints. It is found
on pennies of Eichard III without the archiepiscopal
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWAED IV. 371
emblems, which there can be no doubt are from the
Eoyal Mint.
THE ECCLESIASTICAL MINTS.
YORK.
Archbishop Nevill, 1471 (all pennies).
1. Obv. — Mint-mark short cross fitche"e pierced.
€CDW7TED DI GR7V R6CX 7U16 "Restora-
tion " type of bust ; 6 to the 1. and key to
the r. iu the field.
Rev.— (IIVITfiS GCBOETVar Cross with quatrefoil in
centre and usual pellets in angle.
N.B. — Other specimens read TTOSL on the obverse.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark rose, reads 7TR6L' ; " restoration "
bust ; 6 and key in field.
Rev. — All as last.
3. Obv. — Mint-mark lys ; legend, &c., as No. 1.
Rev. — As No. 1.
During the Sequestration of Archbishop NeviH's Temporalities.
Obv. — Mint-mark roae ; legend as before. 7VR6L — 6C
to the 1., and curled leaf to the r. in field.
Rev. — All exactly as previous pennies, with quatrefoil
in centre of cross.
Sede Vacante Pennies after the Death of Archbishop Nevill.
1 . Obv. — Mint-mark cross ; bust of later character ;
curled leaf to the 1. and key to the r. in field.
Rev. — All as on previous pennies.
2. All as last, but mint-mark rose.
2c2
372 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
Archbishop Laurence Booth, 1476-1480.
Obv. — Mint-mark rose ; legend as before ; B to the 1.
and key to the r. of bust.
Rev. — All as previous pennies.
Archbishop Thomas of Rotherham^ 1480.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark curled leaf. 6CDW7YED DI 6E'A
EffX 7CR6 T to the 1. and key to the r. of
bust in field.
ffBOKTVdl Usual type, with quatre-
foil in centre of cross.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark curled leaf ; legend ends 7VR6L T
and key in field ; star or mullet on breast.
Rev. — All as last.
3. Obv. — Mint-mark and legend, &c., as last, but star or
mullet on breast and to r. of crown in field.
Rev. — All as before.
THE CANTERBURY MINT.
Coins with the " Restoration " Type of Bust and other details.
Half -groat.
Obv. — Mint-mark archiepiscopal pall and cross (the
arms of the See). 6CDW7VED DI 6E7V E6CX
7YR6L ^ FE7VR Bust characteristic of this
period, with Bourchier knot on breast ; no
emblems ; in field, tressure fleured with small
pellet trefoils, none above crown.
Rev.— Mint-mark pall and cross. POSVI
TVDiviOEff mecvm - QIVITTTS CITVRTOE
Usual cross and pellets ; stalk from inner
beaded circle to centre of group in first
quarter. F. A. W.
THE COINAGE OF THE EEIGN OF EDWARD IV. 373
Coins with Bust and Characteristics of the London Coins, with
the Pierced-Cross and Cross-and-Pellet Mint-marks.
Half-groatg.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark pall. ffDWTCED DI 6E7T EffX
7YRSL ^ FE7T Bust with large crown and
full hair, with Bourchier knot beneath ; no
emblems in field ; cusp of tressure fleured,
with large three-leaved terminals, none over
crown.
Rev. — No mint-mark ; usual outer legend. CCIVIT7YS
CCT^RTOE Stalk from inner circle to group
of pellets in second quarter.
[PI. XXIV. 6.]
2. All as last, but on rev. stalk in first group of pellets
which are all trefoilwise.
Penny.
Obv. — Mint-mark pall. Similar bust to that on
half-groats, with Bourchier knot beneath.
ffDWTVRD DI GETt E6CX 7YR
Rev.— dlVITTTS dTYRTOE Usual cross and pellets
(which are not united), with stalk to group
in second quarter.
[PI. XXIV. 7.] F. A. W.
Coins corresponding in character of details with the Half-groats
and Pennies from the Tower Mint, while the Cross Pierced
and Pellet, and the Cinquefoil Mint-marks were in Use.
Half -groats.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark large rose. ffDWTTRD'x DI GETt x
RffX x 7TRGL x ^ FE7V Bust characteristic
of the period ; (I on breast ; all cusps of tres-
sure fleured with small trefoils.
Rev.— Mint-mark large rose. POSVI D€CVSH *
7W)IVTOK«'X SRffVm Cross and pellets
(trefoilwise), but no stalk in any quarter ;
ff in centre of the cross. [PI. XXIV. 8.]
2. All as No. 1, but no fleurs to cusps of tressure.
374 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
3. Obv. — Mint-mark large rose; legend as No. 1, but
FR7VR Curled leaf on breast ; all cusps of
treasure fleured.
Rev. — Mint-mark large rose ; legends as No. 1 ; nothing
in centre of cross ; pellets trefoilwise ; no
stalk.
4. Obv. — Mint-mark curled leaf; legend as No. 1. CC on
breast ; cusps above crown not fleured.
Rev. — Mint-mark large rose; legends as No. 1 ; nothing
in centre of cross ; pellets trefoilwise.
5. Obv. — Mint-mark large rose ; legend and bust as No. 1 .
CC on breast ; no fleurs to cusps of tressure.
Rev. — Mint-mark large rose; legends, &c., as No. 1.
Curled leaf in centre of cross ; pellets trefoil-
wise. W. M. Maish.
6. Obv. and Rev. — Mint-mark curled leaf ; OC on breast.
Cusps of tressure fleured except over crown ;
legends as No. 1.
7. Obv. — Mint-mark cross fitchee ; same bust and cha-
racteristics as previous half-groats ; no fleurs
to tressure ; no letter or emblem on breast.
Rev. — Mint-mark heraldic cinquefoil; legends as No. 1;
nothing in centre of cross ; pellets trefoilwise.
Pennies.
1. Obv. — Mint-mark rose (or curled leaf). 6CDW7TRD
Dai 6E7T ECCX 7VR6L Bust as on late
London pennies ; no emblems in field or knot
under bust.
Rev.— ttlVITTCS CCTmTOK Usual cross and pellets.
British Museum.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark curled leaf (in form of rose) ; legend
as last ; late bust with short close hair ; CC on
breast.
Rev.— aiVITHS CCTtnTOB Usual type. F. A. W.
THE COINAGE OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 375
Halfpenny.
Obv.— Mint-mark rose (or curled leaf). 6CDW7YED
Dffl 6E7V EffX Usual bust of the period,
with CC on breast.
Rev.— aiVITTVS CmRTOE Pellets trefoilwise.
F. A. W.
THE DURHAM MINT.
Between April, 1471, and August, 1473.
Penny.
Obv.— Mint-mark rose. 6CDW7YBD DI 6E7V E6CX
TfRSL Bust of the restoration period. B to
the 1. and D to the r. in the field.
Rev.— ttlVITTVS * DffEfiStt B in centre of cross.
These coins appear to be from London-made dies.
The Coins struck by Bishop Booth after obtaining his Charter
in July, 1473.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark rose. GCDW^ED D6CI 6E7T EGCX
7VR £ Bust with high crown having the
centre ornament more elaborate than the
usual fleur-de-lys. B to the 1. of crown and
V on breast.
Eev.— dlVlTTtS DVROLmiGC D in centre of the
cross ; small extra pellet in centre of the
usual group in each quarter ; V in top corner
of second quarter. [PL XXIV. 9.]
2. Obv. — Mint-mark rose ; legend and other details all
as No. 1, but sal tire cross at each side of
neck.
Rev. — All as No. 1.
376 FREDK. A. WALTERS.
3. Obv.— Mint-mark rose. GCDWTtRD x DI x GRTt RffX
TfRloL Bust of same character, but centre
crown ornament a fleur-de-lys ; two small
crosses above crown ; no emblems on letters
in field or on breast.
Eev. — All as No. 1, with V in second quarter.
4. Obv. — Mint-mark rose (?) ; legend and other details
all as last, but cross or quatrefoil on king's
breast.
Eev. — All as before, but additional pellet only in fourth
quarter.
N.B. — All the above four coins are from the locally
made dies of William Omoryche.
Sede Vacante Pennies struck after the Translation of Bishop
Booth to York in 1476, and before the Temporalities were
restored to his Successor, Bishop Dudley, in October, 1477.
1. Obv.— Mint-mark curled leaf. ffDWTTEI) DI 6R7V
R6CX 7V06 Bust similar to that on the late
London pennies, with lys at each side in the
field.
Eev.— dlVITfiS DffRTWft D in centre of cross.
[PI. XXIV. 10.] F. A. W.
2. Obv. — Mint-mark (?) ; legend as last, ending 7VR6L ;
bust of apparently rather earlier character ;
lys on each side in field.
Rev.— GQVITTfS DffRTVm No D in centre of cross.
F. A. W.
N.B. — These coins are from London-made dies.
Pennies of Bishop Dudley, between 1477 and 1483.
Obv.— Mint-mark rose. ffDWTSRD DI GRft RGtX
7VR6 Bust of the king, having D to the ].
and V to the r. in the field.
THE COINAGE OF THE KEIGN OF EDWARD IV. 377
Eev. — dlVITTTS DffRTWn D in centre of the cross
and V in second quarter.
N B. — These coins are practically always badly struck
from rudely executed dies, presumably of William
Omoryche.
Half-penny.
Obv.— Mint-mark rose(?). €CDW
No marks visible in field or on breast.
Eev.— dlVITTVS D6C x RTOtt D in centre of cross.
[PI. XXIV. 11.] British Museum.
FREDK. A. WALTERS.
MISCELLANEA.
THE DADIA HOARD OP COINS OP KNIDOS.
SINCE I wrote the note on coins of Knidos which appeared
in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1911, p. 197, a number of other
specimens from the same hoard, which appears to have been
found at Dadia in the Knidian Chersonese, have come into my
hands ; and a general account of this series of Knidian coins,
describing examples from this hoard and elsewhere, has been
published by Dr. Imhoof-Blumer in Num. Zeitschr., xlv.
(1912), pp. 193ff. As the hoard has now been dispersed far
and wide, there seems little chance that any summary of its
contents as a whole can ever be compiled; but it may be
worth while to place on record such facts as have emerged
from my examination.
The hoard would appear to have consisted mainly, if not
entirely, of the two small denominations mentioned in my
previous note — hemidrachms (or possibly diobols) with types
obv. head of Aphrodite r., rev. head of bull, and tetrobols
with types obv. bust of Artemis r., rev. tripod. Other coins,
of Knidos and elsewhere, have been offered for sale with these,
but I have not had any satisfactory evidence that they came
from the same hoard, although they may have done so. The
tetrobols form much the larger proportion of the coins from
the hoard which I have seen, and are on the average in fresher
condition than the hemidrachms ; this fact, together with
considerations of style, would seem to suggest that the series
of tetrobols was later in date of issue. The magistrates' names
on the two series are distinct.
In the hemidrachms some coins have on the reverse a bull's
head to front only, but usually on the left of the head a
portion of the neck is shown. These variations do not appear
to mark any distinction of issue ; but the coins of this de-
nomination may be divided into two classes on other grounds.
The first class is formed by the coins of the magistrates
MISCELLANEA. 379
Epikrates and Epiphanes ; in these there is no border of dots
on the obverse, and on the reverse the magistrate's name
begins on the right of the bull's head and curves underneath
it, reading inwards. In the second class there is a border
of dots on the obverse, and on the reverse the name begins
on the left, reading outwards, and usually curving under the
head ; this class includes the coins of Agesikles, Antipatros,
Mnasitheos, and Sostratos. The specimens of the first class
are the more worn, and presumably earlier in date. In both
classes the ethnic on the reverse is above the bull's head ;
there is a third class, with generally similar types, but on the
reverse the ethnic to the left of the head and the magistrate's
name to the right, no examples of which seem to have occurred
in the Dadia hoard. The die-position is normally f *\ : this
position is so regular that it looks as if it were due to design ;
the only coin with the die-position ff which 1 have noted is
one of Sostratos.
The following summary gives the respective dies used in
the specimens which I have had (omitting those magistrates
of whom there was only one example), and the weights of
those coins which were not given in my previous note. The
dies are lettered in capitals for obverses, in small letters for
reverses, separately for each magistrate ; the weights are in
grammes.
AGESIKLES.
Dies.— Aa, Ab, Ac, Ad, Be, Bf, Bg, Bh, Ci, Ci, Dk, Ek, Fl, Gm, Hn,
lo.
Weights.— 1-32, 1-08, 1-30, 0-81 (worn), 1-15, 1-23, 1-20, 1-21, 1-01,
1-17, 1-04, 1-16, 0-97 (worn), 0'90 (worn), 1-14.
EPIKKATES.
Weight.— 0'93 (worn).
EPIPHANES.
Dies. — Aa, Aa, Ab.
Weights.— 0-99 (worn), 0-84 (worn), 1-32.
MNASITHEOS.
Dies. — Aa, Ab, Be.
Weights.— 1-15, 1-18.
The tetrobols can be more satisfactorily grouped than the
hemidrachins, partly on account of the large number of
examples available ; the die connexions give some clues to
the chronological order of the issuing magistrates, and con-
siderations of style help in the arrangement.
380 MISCELLANEA.
The coins of Kallippos are far superior in style to any
others in this series, and on this account may perhaps be
placed earliest.
Next to them in respect of style comes a group including
the issues of Agias, Aristokleidas, Epigenes, Kleumbrotos,
Kydosthenes, and Moirichos, all of whose obverse dies are
so similar in workmanship as to suggest that they are from
the same hand. Four of these magistrates can be placed in
chronological order. Moirichos and Kleumbrotos used the
same obverse die, the coins of Moirichos being apparently
the earlier struck ; and another obverse die served for coins
of Kleumbrotos, Aristokleidas, and Agias, probably in this
succession. The position of Epigenes and Kydosthenes in the
group is uncertain.
Theuteles and Hippokrates form the next group ; they had
one obverse die in common, the coin of Theuteles being from
a fresher state of the die. The style is distinctly poorer than
that of the two preceding groups, but has a point of similarity
with them in the fact that behind the shoulder of Artemis on
the obverse there are shown a bow and quiver ; on the coins
of the next two groups only a quiver is visible.
Aristiadas and Diokles may be classed together by the
style of their obverse dies, which look as if they were by the
same artist ; but there is no evidence at present to show which
was the earlier of the two.
The last group comprises the coins of Epigonos, Epion,
Eutherses, Telesippos, and Philokles, whose obverse dies are
closely similar in their workmanship, which is very weak.
Only Philokles and Eutherses can be connected by their use
of the same dies, but their connexion is very clear ;- Eutherses
employed not only an obverse die from which coins of Philokles
were struck, but also a reverse die on which his name is cut,
retrograde, over that of Philokles.
If an examination could be made of all the coins from the
hoard, probably further die-connexions could be established ;
but, as they have been scattered to various parts of Europe,
this is impracticable at present. It may be noted that, of
the magistrates known to have struck tetrobols of this type,
Exakestes, Euphron, Karneiskos, Kydokles, and Sosigenes
were not, so far as I am aware, represented by any specimens
in the hoard, and may have been in office later than the date
of its burial.
The die-position in this series is regularly /|WJV.
There follows a summary of dies and weights of tetrobols
on the same lines as in the case of the hemidrachms.
MISCELLANEA. 381
AGIAS.
Dies. — Aa, Bb. [A = Aristokleidas and Kleumbrotos B.]
Weight.— 2-32.
ABISTIADAS.
Dies. — (Name in two lines) Aa, Bb, Be ; (name in one line) Bd, Be,
Be, Bf, Bg.
Weights.— 2-27, 1-19, 2-25, 2-46, 2-34, 1-89 (worn), 2-42.
EPIGENES.
Dies.— Aa, Ab, Ac, Bd, Bd, Be, Of, Dg.
Weights.— 2-17, 2-25, 2-39, 2-34, 2-15, 2-41, 2-46.
EPIGONOS.
Dies. — Aa, Ab, Ab.
Weights.— 2-13, 2-31.
EPION.
Dies. — Aa, Aa, Aa, Ab, Ac, Bd.
Weights.— 2-40, 2-13, 2-22, 2'45, 2 -27.
EUTHEESES.
Weight.— 2-50.
THEUTELES.
Dies. — Aa, Bb. [A = Hippokrates A.]
HIPPOKRATES.
Dies.— Aa, Ab. [A = Theuteles A.]
Weight.— 2-29.
KLEUMBBOTOS.
Dies. — Aa, Bb, Be. [A = Moirichos ; B = Agias A and Aristokleidas.]
Weight.— 2-51.
KYDOSTHENES.
Weight.— 2-47.
MOIRICHOS.
Weight.— 2-14.
TELESIPPOS.
Dies. — Aa, Ab.
Weight.— 2-44.
PHILOKLES.
Dies.— Aa, Aa, Ab, Ac, Ad, Be, Bf, Bf. [B = Eutberses.]
Weights.— 2-20, 2-25, 2-32, 1-96, 2-24, 2-38, 2-11.
J. G. MILNE.
382 MISCELLANEA.
CARSPHAIRN FIND. (Coixs OF EDWARD I AND II.)
A LARGE hoard of pennies of Edward I and II recently dis-
covered at Carsphairn in Galloway corresponds so closely
with the Blackhills hoard (described by Dr. G. Macdonald in
Num. Chron., 1913, pp. 57, ff.) that a detailed description of
it could add nothing to the knowledge acquired from the
Blackhills find. It contained pennies of all classes from
€D R€X to Dr. Macdonald's Group XXIX., and in this latter
group there were sixteen coins of Durham with the mint-mark
of Bishop Beaumont (1317-1333). The date of the deposit
must therefore be approximately the same as that of Black-
hills, circa 1320. There were also a few Scottish (Alexander
III and Robert Bruce) and Irish (Edward) pennies, and
Continental sterlings of Alost (Robert de Bethune, 1305-
1322), Yvoy (Gaucher de Chatillon, 1303-1329), Serain
(Valeran II, 1316-1354), Valenciennes (Jean II d'Avesnes,
1280-1304), Aix-la-Chapelle (Louis de Baviere, 1313-1347),
Cambrai (Guillaume de Hainault, 1292-1296); all these are
compatible with the date 1320 for the deposit of the hoard.
There were also four sterlings of Toul attributed to Thomas
de Bourlemont (1330-1353) and three Anglo-Gallic sterlings
attributed to Edward III.
Of the four sterlings of Toul three were of the type of
Chautard, No. 196, reading QC( MONSTE NOSTRE (bust
facing crowned) and TOLLO QIVITSS (three pellets in each
angle of cross), the fourth being No. 197, LVNTOLLSNGIQN.
In his account (Num. Chron., 1905) of the Lochmaben hoard,
a hoard of smaller number but covering precisely the same
ground as the Blackhills and Carsphairn hoards, Dr. Mac-
donald, describing a similar sterling of No. 196, commented
on the difficulty in the generally accepted attribution of this
sterling to Thomas de Bourlemont, as all other coins of the
hoard pointed to a date earlier than 1330 for its deposit. I
find that in the Tutbury hoard (1831), described in Archaeo-
logia, XXIV.), there was a sterling of No. 197, and this hoard
again covers precisely the same period ending with pennies
of Bishop Beaumont of Durham (Macdonald, Group XXIX.).
I think, therefore, that there can be no doubt that the attri-
bution to Thomas de Bourlemont, which Chautard says is
open to question, is incorrect. This view is strengthened by
another sterling which Dr. Macdonald tells me was in the
hoard; it had the obverse of Chautard, No. 190 (Ferri IV,
1312-1328), and reverse of Chautard, No. 197 ; hence it is
most probable that No. 197 and the kindred No. 196 are
NOTICES OP RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 383
both of the period of Ferri [V. The Anglo-Gallic sterlings
are described by Mr. Hewlett in Num. Cliron., 1906, p. 307 ;
they are similar to " var. a," but omit the annulet at the end
of the reverse legend. Mr. Hewlett attributes these sterlings
to Edward III on the ground of style, and explains that
there is no external evidence to assist in the arrangement
of the coins of the "Dux Aquitanie " period (before 1360).
The Carsphairn find seems sufficient evidence for removing
these sterlings to the reign of Edward II, to whom Mr.
Hewlett was not able to assign any Anglo-Gallic coins.
This hoard is described by Dr. Macdonald in the Pro-
ceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. He suggests
as a possible alternative that this and the other kindred
finds should, perhaps, be placed ten or fifteen years later
than he previously supposed.
I am greatly indebted to Dr. Macdonald, who not only
enabled me to see these coins but supplied me with valuable
information about the find, and especially about some coins
which I was not able to see as they were already in the
possession of the Scottish Society of Antiquaries.
G. C. BROOKE.
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
Catalogue of the Coins in the Panjab Museum, Lahore, Vol. I.,
Indo-Greek Coins (£1) : Vol. II., Coins of the Mughal
Empire (£2 10*.), by R. B. Whitehead, I.C.S., M.R.A.S. ;
published for the Panjab Government by the Clarendon
Press.
IT is over twenty years since the coins in the Lahore Museum
were catalogued by Mr. Rodgers; since then the collection
has been practically doubled by acquisitions from treasure
trove, and in the case of the Indo-Greek series by the notable
purchase of the collection formed by Mr. G. B. Bleazby during
a long residence in the Panjab. The niggardly policy of the
Government of Mr. Rodgers' day in archaeological matters
prevented the results of his long study of Indian coins being
given to the world in the form they deserved, so that his
catalogue, without proper introductions, or indices, and with-
out a single illustration, only served to make the need of a
satisfactory catalogue more apparent. A more enlightened
384 NOTICES OP KECENT PUBLICATIONS.
policy — largely due to Mr. Whitehead's efforts — now prevails
with the authorities, and students of Indian history and
archaeology are deeply indebted to them for the handsome
volumes now published.
Mr. Whitehead's first volume is the most important con-
tribution to our knowledge of the foreign coinages of Ancient
India that has been made since the publication of Professor
Gardner's jB. M. Catalogue nearly thirty years ago. In the
interval considerable attention has been devoted to these
series, which form our main source for the history of the
various foreign invaders of India. Most of this material is
contained in scattered articles in the various Oriental periodi-
cals, and Mr. Whitehead's volume is particularly valuable as
summing up the progress that has been made. Nothing of
note in English or foreign periodicals seems to have escaped
him. Into the numerous controversies that have raged round
this period Mr. Whitehead only enters from the numismatic
side ; he is content to show what evidence may be legiti-
mately deduced from the coins, and is careful not to exaggerate
the latter's importance to suit one side or the other. His
introductions may therefore be recommended as valuable
guides to the historian unaccustomed to deal with numismatic
evidence. The volume is divided into the three usual sections,
Bactrian and Indo-Greek, Indo-Scythic and Indo-Parthian,
and Kushan, each with historical introductions. The first of
these, although weak compared with the British Museum in
Bactrian coins, has some very fine coins of the Greek kings
of India, notably the two unique coins of Polyxenes, the
coins of Theophilos and Telephos, and the fine series of coins
of Hippostratos. We are glad to see prominence now given
to such corrections as Marquart's kavisiye nagaradevata on
certain copper coins of Eucratides, and Buhler's ingenious — if
still doubtful — hitajasame = Agathocles on the latter's copper
coins. Mr. Whitehead rightly follows Professor Gardner's
view that the object on the shield on his type K of Menander
ifi a Gorgon's head, and not as suggested in /. M. Cat., i.
p. 26, an ox's head ; his correction in the attribution of
B. M. Cat., PI. viii. 4, really a coin of Antimachus, may
certainly be accepted.
Mr. Whitehead, in our opinion rightly, restores the title
Indo-Scythic in the second section; the problem of dis-
tinguishing the Saka from the Parthian rulers is a difficult
one, but we are convinced that such a distinction exists.
The features of this section are the fine series of coins of
Azilises, the unique gold coin of Athama, and the lead coins
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 385
of Raj uvula hitherto unpublished. All the coins bearing the
name Azes or Aya are here attributed to one ruler ; it seems
probable that there must have been more than one Azes, but
Mr. Whitehead is right in holding that the distribution to
two on grounds of style alone is a fallacious one. It is inte-
resting to note that the view held by Cunningham that Sasasa
is the genitive of a proper name, and followed by Mr.
Whitehead, has been now confirmed by Dr. Marshall's recent
discoveries.
In the Kushan section the traditional order is retained,
and the Kadphises group placed before the Kanishka group.
The recent discussion on the date of Kanishka in the
J, B. A. S. has only served to accentuate the divergence of
views on this point. The question is a difficult one, and it
has not been sufficiently emphasized that the coins of Kad-
phises I, Kadaphes, Kadphises II, and the Kanishka group
form from the morphological point of view not two but four
distinct groups. The Lahore collection is a good one, although
not so fine as the British Museum collection, strengthened as
the latter is by the Cunningham collection. Mr. Whitehead
has carefully examined the British Museum, Bodleian, and
Paris collections, and has incorporated the results of his
labours there in the body of the Catalogue, so that it practi-
cally forms a corpus for the period ; in addition the rarest
coins not in the Lahore collection are illustrated in supple-
mentary plates, so that the work is as complete as the student
can desire. The Catalogue also contains much information
regarding the provenance of the coinage of various rulers
derived from the author's own experience as a collector in
the Panjab, while his notes on the forgery of Bactrian and
other corns should do something to dispel the tendency to
suspect everything new or rare that comes from the Panjab
dealers.
In his second volume on the coins of the Mughal Emperors
Mr. Whitehead has a subject to which he has already con-
tributed a great deal of new matter ; his numerous papers
in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal have already
established his reputation as one of the leading authorities
on this series, and this volume is characterized by the same
thoroughness that marks his Mints of the Mughal Emperors,
an Index of all published coins. Since the publication of
Mr. Nelson Wright's Indian Museum Catalogue, which itself
marked an epoch in the study of the series, numerous new
coins have been brought to light through the efforts of
Messrs, Whitehead, Nelson Wright, Burn, Brown, Dr.
NUM. CHRON., VOL. XIV., SERIES IV. 2 D
386 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
Taylor, and other contributors to the J. A. S. B. The Lahore
collection, containing nearly 3300 coins, is one of the finest
in existence ; except for a number of gold coins it is quite as
good as the British Museum collection (which we may note
now contains nearly 4000 coins in place of 1200 when it was
catalogued twenty years ago). Mr. Rodgers' collection which
formed the nucleus was a very fine one, and numerous coins
have been since acquired from treasure trove and miscella-
neous purchases : as Mr. Whitehead does not mention it
himself, we may point out that a number of the rarest coins
in this catalogue were presented by him to the Museum from
his own collection in order that the Catalogue might be as
fine as possible. A.S in the previous volume, Mr. Whitehead
has used his knowledge of the British Museum, Paris, and
Bodleian collections to incorporate in his introduction much
of the unpublished material in these collections in addition
to that already available from other sources. The plan of
the volume is that of Mr. Nelson Wright's third volume of
the I.M. Catalogue. The Catalogue itself occupies 450 pages,
and is a model of careful labour. The coins of each ruler are
arranged under the mints, the latter being in the order of
the Persian alphabet, a point on which Mr. Whitehead
differs from Mr. Nelson Wright. A useful innovation is the
arrangement of the distichs in metrical form beneath the
coins on which they occur. We are sorry the author has not
seen fit to give us fresh translations instead of repeating the
doggerel of his predecessors ; perhaps some day a numismatic
Fitzgerald will arise, who will give us something better than
the traditional renderings of these couplets, although it must
be confessed that some of the originals hardly deserve more.
Another useful addition which greatly enhances the value of
the work is the list of mints known of each Emperor in each
metal, unrepresented in the Museum, added at the end of
each reign with details of the earliest and latest coins.
The general introduction contains much material on
denominations, titles, &c., which has never before been
collected in so convenient a form. We should prefer to
translate al-Siddik, the epithet of Abu Bakr, simply as " the
trustworthy," and' the translation " eminent is his glory " for
jalla jaldla loses the assonance of the original. The main
body of the introduction contains a series of histories of the
various Mughal mints and summarizes the advance made
since the publication of Mr. Nelson Wright's work, which
forms the basis of these notes. 134 of the 200 known mints
are represented in the Lahore collection, practically the same
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 387
number as in the British Museum collection. These notes
include a number of rectifications to Rodgers' and the B. M.
Catalogues. Mr. Rodgers' "unique" coin of Bandar Shahl
now proves to be a poor specimen of a not unknown coin of
Srinagar. Mr. Whitehead for the first time calls attention
to a series of rupees of Akbar of Dar al-Sultanat Shahr-i
Mu'azzam Ahmadabad. As to the reading of the " Bairata "
silver coins of Akbar, we have no doubt that Mr. Nelson
Wright is right in giving the real reading as Berar. Mr.
Whitehead makes out a good case for reading the date on the
earliest Ilahf coins of Dehli as 35 instead of 30. Mr. Nelson
Wright's zodiacal mohar of Urdu is not unique, as there is a
duplicate in Berlin. The zodiacal rupee and mohar of
Fathpur, formerly in the Guthrie collection, are dated not
1030 but 1028.
We cannot here detail any of the numerous unique coins
now published in this volume, or the many new facts brought
to light in the introduction. As befits the finest collection
yet catalogued the volume is the finest and most complete
yet devoted to the series, and is likely to remain the standard
handbook for many years, for it seems hardly possible that
new material will continue to accumulate as rapidly as it has
done in the last decade.
The French Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres
has awarded the Prix Drouin to Mr. Whitehead for these
two volumes ; it is particularly fitting that this prize should
go to the author of works on two of the series in which
M. Drouin was himself particularly interested. The honour
is all the more merited as Mr. Whitehead's volumes are the
products of the scanty leisure of a busy Indian Civil servant.
___ J. A.
John Robinson : Oriental Numismatics. Salem, Massa-
chusetts. 1913.
THIS beautifully printed volume is a catalogue of the collec-
tion of books on Oriental Numismatics presented by the
author to the Essex Institute, Salem, along with a fine collec-
tion of Oriental coins. It does not claim to be a bibliography
of Oriental Numismatics, but so complete is it that it cannot
fail to meet the want of one. Over five hundred works are
enumerated under various geographical headings, the library
being particularly rich in items relating to the Far East. The
only remarkable omissions are the third (Indian) volume of
Teixeira de Aragao's standard work on Portuguese coins and
Da Cunha's Contributions to the same subject. On No. 455 we
388 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
may note that a second part was published in the following
year. No 181 is a reprint from the Journal Asiatique and
No. 231 from the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
Students of Oriental coins owe a great debt to Mr. Robinson
for this handsome volume, which he has published and distri-
buted at his own expense, and it is to be hoped they will
show their gratitude by sending their future publications to
the Essex Institute in order that this fine library may be
kept up to date.
J. A.
Catalogue of the Coins in the Colombo Museum. Part I. ; by
H. W. Codrington, M.R.A.S., F.R.N.S. Hertford, 1914.
THIS neat little volume of sixty pages and four plates describes
the Muhammadan and European coins in the Colombo
Museum. The collection has been mainly formed from
treasure trove, and the Muhammadan collection is therefore
representative of the great trading currencies of the twelfth
to the fourteenth century, and recalls the Broach find. It
includes some rare pieces of the Atabegs and Ilkhans. The
collection also contains a number of coins of the earlier Shahs
of Persia, one of them countermarked by the Dutch East
India Company. The collection of coins of the Maldives
is a fine and representative one. The European coins are
naturally Venetian, Dutch, and Portuguese. The Portuguese
include a very rare S. Thome and a number of scarce early
silver coins, one countermarked by the Dutch East India
Company. The Dutch series is a very fine one, and includes
such rare pieces as the rupee of Colombo of 1784, formerly in
the Grogan collection, and the rare " cinnamon bush " duit of
1782. Mr. Codrington points out that the word on the rupee,
previously read suku, is really the mint-name Colombo. The
collection of British coins is not so complete as one would
wish. Perhaps the most important section of the book is that
on larins, in which Mr. Codrington has for the first time
been able to attribute a number to definite rulers. He has
been able to recognize in their fragmentary legends portions
of the coin legends of Persian and Ottoman rulers ; we have
therefore now larins of Tahmasp I of Persia, Ahmad I, and
Ibrahim of Turkey and Farrukh Shah of Hormuz, all struck
in the lands round the Persian Gulf. The book has been
most accurately printed, and the plates are very well done ;
it will form a very useful handbook of the coinages of the
European colonies in the East.
J. A.
INDEX.
A.
Adana, bronze coin of Gordian
III of, 311
Alexander III of Scotland, coins
of, found at Steppingley, 61, 74 ;
at Slype, 259
ALLAN, J. —
Off a's imitation of an Arab dinar,
77-84
Notice of Valentine's Indian
Coins, 270-271
Notice of Whitehead's Cata-
logue of Coins in the Panjab
Museum, 383-387
Notice of Robinson's Oriental
Numismatics, 387
Notice of Codrington's Cata-
logue of Coins in the Colombo
M^lseum, 388
Anaxenor, a magistrate of Smyrna,
287
Antioch in Pisidia, coins of,
299-313
Antiochus IV, tetradrachm of,
106
Antoninus, bronze coin of Hy-
paepa of, 104
Apamea, coin of, from Antiocb,
310
Apollas, a magistrate of Smyrna,
287
Apollodotos, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 278
Apollophanes, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 278
Apronius, a Roman moneyer, 262
Arab coins in Europe, 77-78
Arados, coins of, from Cilicia,
19
Aristion, a magistrate of Smyrna,
274
Artemon, a magistrate of Smyrna,
284
Aspendus, coins of, from Cilicia,
9-10
Attaleia, coins of, from Antioch,
309
Augustus, quadrantes of, 261-264
B.
Bernhard of Lippe, coins of, found
at Steppingley, 61
Bologna, Arab coins found at,
84-85
Booth, Bishop, of Durham, 349
Bourchier, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, 348-349
Bowes, John, and Durham House,
141, 143, 146, 149
Briot, Nicholas, and the Civil
War, 169-235
BBOOKE, G. C. : —
A Find of Long-cross Coins at
Slype, 256-259
The Carsphairn Find (Edward
pennies, &c.), 382-383
BROOKE, G. C., and L. A.
LAWRENCE : —
A Find of Coins at Steppingley,
60-76
Bristol Mint of Edward IV, 341-
343
British Museum, Greek Coins ac-
quired by the, 97-109
Buckler, W. H., coins presented
to the British Museum by, 103-
104
Bury St. Edmunds. See St.
Edmundsbury
Byzantium, coins of, found in
Cilicia, 7
2D3
390
INDEX.
C.
Caduceus, a type of Antioch in
Pisidia, 301
Calchedon, coins of, from Cilicia,
7
Canterbury Mint of Edward IV,
347-349
Caracalla, bronze coin of Sagal-
assus, 309 ; of Tarsus, 311
Carausius, coins of, found at
Puncknoll, 95
Carsphairn, coins of the Edwards
found at, 382-383
Carthago Nova, didrachm of, 109
Caulonia, stater of, acquired by
British Museum, 98
Celenderis, coins of, from Cilicia,
11-12
Charlemagne, his intercourse with
the East, 82-84; with Offa,
85-86
Charles I, gold coinage of, 264-266
Cilicia, a find of Greek coins from,
1-33
Cinquefoil mint-mark of Edward
IV, 239-240
Citium, coins of, from Cilicia, 19
Claudius II, coins of, found at
Puncknoll, 95
Cock, a type of Antioch in Pisidia,
302
CODEINGTON, H. W. :
Coins of the Kings of Hormuz,
156-167
Notice of his Catalogue of Coins
in the Colombo Museum, 388
Coining-press, a Spanish Seven-
teenth-century, 90-92
Commodus, coin of, of Phila-
delphia and Smyrna, 105 ;
earliest coins of, 134-135 ;
coinage of, during the reign of
Marcus, 39-59
Corinth, new coins of, 102
CRAS, countermark, 306-307
Cross and pellets mint-mark of
Edward IV, 336-337
Croton, half-stater of, 99
Cyprus, find of small coins of.
105-106
D.
Demetrios, a
Smyrna, 238
magistrate of
Dionysios (a), a magistrate of
Smyrna, 283
Dionysios (b), a magistrate of
Smyrna, 287
Dioskurides, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 293
DODD, Rev. C. H. :—
Coinage of Commodus during
the Reign of Marcus, 34-59
Durham House mint of Edward
VI, 138-155
Durham mint of Edward IV, 349-
352
E.
Eastbourne, Arab coin found at,
81
Edward I and II, coins of, found
at Carsphairn, 382-383
Edward IV, post-restoration
coinage of, 330-337 ; restoration
of, 330-332 ; seal of, 334-335
Edward VI and Durham House,
138-155
St. Edward's ring, 332-333
Edward royall = half-sovereign,
147-149
Epandros, a magistrate of Smyrna,
293
Ethnics, index of Greek, 236-
248
Evagoras I, coin of, from Cilicia,
18
F.
FARQUHAR, Miss HELEN : —
Nicholas Briot <and the Civil
War, 164-235
Farrukh Shah of Hormuz, coin of,
167
Finds of coins : —
Bologna (Arab and Byzantine),
84-85
Carsphairn (Edward I-II),
382-383
Cilicia (Greek), 1-33
Dadia (Cnidus), 378-381
Slype (English and foreign
sterlings), 256-259
Steppingley (long-cross), 60-
76
Fistelia, coin of, acquired by the
British Museum, 97
INDEX.
391
G.
Galba, classification of the coin-
age of, 120-131
Gallienus, coins of, found at
Puncknoll, 94
Gaul, coins of, during 68-69 A.D.,
116-117
Gela, tetradrachm of, acquired by
the British Museum, 100
Gordian III, bronze coin of Philo-
melium of, 310; of Iconium, 310 ;
of Adana, 311
Greene, E., chief graver at the
Mint, 186
H.
Harun al-Rashid and Charle-
magne, 82-83
Haynes, Professor, a Cilician find
belonging to, 1-33
Head, Barclay Vincent, memoir of,
168, 249-255
Helena, portraiture of, 314-329
Henry II of Germany, Arab coin
imitated by, 87
Henry III of England, coins of,
found at Steppingley, 61-76 ; at
Slype, 256-259
Herakleides, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 279, 284, 287
Hermagoras, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 293
Hermippos, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 288
Herodotos, a magistrate of Smyrna.
293
HILL, G. F. :—
Greek Coins acquired by the
British Museum, 97-109
Coins of Pisidian Antioch,
299
A Seventeenth-Century Coin-
ing-Press, 90-92
Notice of Rogers' Handy Guide
to Jewish Coins, 95, 96
Notice of Weber's Aspects of
Death, 269-270
Hisham, coin of, found at East-
bourne, 81
Hormuz, coins of kings of, 156-
167
Hypaepa, bronze coin of Antoninus
of, 104
latrodoros, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 294
Iconium, bronze coin of Gordian
III of, 310
Ionia, early electrum coin of, 103
Issus, coins of, from a Cilician
find, 14-16
K.
Ktoupon, a Smyrna magistrate,
279
Laffranchi, his attribution of
certain quadrantes criticized,
261-264
Lapethus, coin of Praxippos of,
106
Larins, 162-164
LAWRENCE, L. A. See Brooke,
G. C.
Leokrates, a magistrate of Smyrna,
280
Long-cross coins found at Step-
pingley, 61-76 ; at Slype, 256-
259
M.
Maire, John, assayer at Durham
House, 143-144
Mallus, coins of, from a Cilician
find, 13-14
Mamaea, coin of Philomelium of,
310
Mancus, a money of account,
87-89
Mansel, Colonel, a find of Roman
coins belonging to, 92-95
Mansur, dinar of, imitated by
Offa, 77-89
MATTINGLY, H. : —
The Coinage of the Civil Wars
of 68-69 A.D., 110-137
On a Series of Quadrantes, 261-
264
MAUKICE, JULES : —
Portraits d'Imperatrices de
1'Epoque Constantinienne,
214-329
392
INDEX.
Megakles, a magistrate of Smyrna,
293
Melos, staters of, from a recent
find, 102-103
Melekiathon of Citium, coins of,
19
Men, bust of, on coins of Antioch,
302
Menekrates, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 275
Menodotos, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 287
Mesembria, bronze coin of, 101
Messana, silver coin of, with £,
97
Metapontum, stater of, 97
Metrobios, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 284
Metrodoros, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 275, 283
Miletus, coins of, from a Cilician
find, 8-9
MILNE, J. G. : —
A Find of Coins of Temnos, 260-
261
The Silver Coinage of Smyrna,
273-294
The Dadia Hoard of Coins of
Knidos, 378-381
Modius on coins of Antioch in
Pisidia, 301
Moschos, a magistrate of Smyrna,
279
Muhammad Shah of Hormuz,
coin of, 156-168
MVNVS DIVINVM, significance
of the legend, 88
N.
Nero, last coinage of, 111-113;
countermarked coins of, 118
Nevill, Archbishop, 345-347
NEWELL, E. T. : —
A Cilician Find, 1-33
Nicholas, N., and Briot, 180-184
Nikostratos, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 280
Notices of Books :—
Allan, J., Catalogue of Gupta
Coins, 266-269
Codrington, H. W., Catalogue of
Coins in the Colombo Museum,
388
Robinson, J., Oriental Numis-
matics, 384
Notices of Books — continued.
Rogers, Rev. E., A Handy Guide
to Jeivish Coins, 95-96
Valentine, W. H., Copper Coins
of India, 270-271
Weber, F. Parkes, Aspects of
Death, 269-270
Whitehead, R. B., Catalogue of
Coins in the Panjab Museum,
383-387
Nysa, coin of Valerian of, 104,
105
0.
Offa's imitation of a dinar, 77-89
Omoryche, W., engraver of Dur-
ham, 350-351
Orrhescii, coin of the, 101
Otacilia, bronze coin of Seleucia
ad Calycadnum of, 311
Otho, classification of coins of,
128-130
P.
Parlais, coin of Commodus of, 311
Phanes, magistrate of Smyrna,
280
Phanokrates, magistrate of
Smyrna, 289
Philadelphia and Smyrna, coin of
Commodus of, 105
Philomelium, coin of Mamaea of,
310 ; of Gordian III, 310
Polynikos, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 283
Poseidonios, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 274
Puncknoll, Roman coins found
at, 92-95
Q.
Quadrantes, the attribution of
certain, 261-264
R.
Ramage, engraver at the Mint,
186-188
Rawlins, worked at Oxford, 197-
199
INDEX.
393
Recorde, Robert, controller at
Durham House, 143
Rhegium, hemiobol of, 99
ROBINSON, E. S. G. : —
Index of Ethnics on Greek
Coins, 236-248
Robinson, J., Notice of his Oriental
Numismatics, 387
Rogers, Rev. E., Notice of his
Jeioish Coins, 95-96
Rotherham, Archbishop of York,
346-347
Royall = half-sovereign of Edward
VI, 144, 149
C. Rubellius Blandus, Roman
moneyer, 262
S.
Sagalassus, coin of Caracalla of,
309
St. Edmundsbury, importance of
mint of, 61, 67-68
Salamis, coins of, from Cilicia, 18
Salghar Shah of Hormuz, coin of,
156, 165
Salonina, coins of, found at
Puncknoll, 94
Samos, coins of, from Cilicia, 93
Sarapion, a magistrate of Smyrna,
189
Scarborough, Briot at, 189
Seleucia ad Calycadnum, coin of
Otacilia of, 311
Seleucus I, tetradrachm of, 106
Seleucus III, tetradrachm of, 106
Sharington's coinage, 139-140
Short-cross pennies from Stepping-
ley, 61, 69
Shrewsbury coins by Ramage,
187
Side, coins of , f rom a Cilician find,
10
Sigloi, from a Cilician find, 22-
28
Sinope, coins of, from a Cilician
find, 8
Slype, English coins found at,
76-79
SMITH, V. A. : —
Notice of Catalogue of Gupta
Coins, 266-269
Smyrna, silver coinage of, 273-294
Soli, coins of, from Cilicia, 12-13
Steppingley find, 60-76
Sterlings, foreign, find of, 67, 73
SYMONDS, HENRY : —
A Find of Roman Coins at
Puncknoll, 91-95
Edward VI and Durham
House, 138-155
The Gold Coinage of Charles I,
264-266
Syracuse, coins of, from a Cilician
find, 3
T.
Tarsus, coins of Caracalla of,
311
Temnos, a find of coins of, 260-
261
Tetricus I, coins of, found at
Puncknoll, 94
Tetricus II, coins of, found at
Puncknoll, 95
Theodotos, a magistrate of
Smyrna, 287
Theodolphus on Arab coins in
Prance, 83-87
Thurium, coins of reduced standard
of, 98
Timarchus, tetradachm of, 108
Tlos, coin of, from Cilicia, 10
Toul, sterlings of, found at Cars-
phairn, 382
Trefoil mint-mark of Edward VI,
334-335
Turan Shah of Hormuz, coins of,
156, 161-166
Tyre, coins of, from Cilicia, 20 ;
acquired by British Museum,
108, 109
V.
Valentine, W. H., notice of his
Copper Coins of India, 270-271
Valerian, coin of Nysa of, 105
Vespasian, classification of coin-
age of, 135-137
Victorinus, coins of, found at
Puncknoll, 94
Vitellius, classification of coins
of, 131-135
W.
WALTEBS, FBEDK. A. : —
The Coinage of Edward IV
394
INDEX.
continued : The Post-Restora-
tion Period, 330-377
Weber, F. Parkes, notice of his
Aspects of Death, 269-270
Whitehead, B. B., Catalogue of
Coins in the Panjab Museiim,
notice of, 383-387
Wode, John, Keeper of the Mint,
341
Y.
York mint of Edward IV, 343-
345; of Charles I, 176-178,
194-195
Z.
Zopyros, a magistrate of Smyrna,
271
LONDON : PBINTKB BT WILLIAM CLOWKS AND SONS, LIMITED,
BUKK STREET, STAMFORD STREET, 8.E., AND GREAT WINDMILL STREET,
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PL. XVI.
v'\";4
2 (0
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4 (a)
6 (b)
4 (e)
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SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA.
10 (a)
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PL. XVII,
13 (a)
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14 (a)
14 (b)
17 (a)
20 (b)
21 (a)
23 (a) W '"• 24 (a)
SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA
(26b)
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PL. XVIII.
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SILVER COINAGE OF SMYRNA.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PL. XIX.
COINAGE OF PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.
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LONDON COINS OF EDWARD IV. OF 1471 AND AFTER.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PL. XXII.
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LONDON COINS OF EDWARD IV. AFTER 1471.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PL. XXIII.
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LONDON LATEST ISSUE-BRISTOL 1471-1472.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV. VOL. XIV. PL. XXIV.
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COINS OF EDWARD IV.
YORK 1471-CANTERBURY AND DURHAM 1471 AND AFTER.
ROYAL
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
1914
PATRON
HIS MAJESTY THE KING
LIST OF FELLOWS
OF THE
EOYAL
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
1914
The sign * indicates that the Fellow has compounded for his annual
contribution : f that the Fellow has died during the year.
1909 ADMIRAL H.S.H. PRINCE Louis OF BATTENBERG, P.O., G.C.B.,
G.C.V.O., K.C.M.G., A.D.C., F.R.G.S., Kent House,
East Cowes, Isle of Wight.
1873 f*ALEXEiEFF, M. GEORGES D', Maitre de la Cour de S.M.
1'Empereur de Russie, 40, Sergnewskaje, St. Petersburg.
1907 ALLAN, JOHN, ESQ., M.A., M.R.A.S., British Museum, W.C.,
Hon. Secretary.
1907 ALLATINI, ROBERT, ESQ., 18, Holland Park, W.
1892 AMEDROZ, HENRY F., ESQ., M.R.A.S., 48, York Terrace,
Regent's Park, N.W.
1884 ANDREWS, R. THORNTON, ESQ., 25, Castle Street, Hertford.
1909 ARNOLD, EDWIN L., ESQ., c/o " The Daily Telegraph," Fleet
Street, E.G.
1882 BACKHOUSE, SIR JONATHAN E., BART., The Rookery, Middleton
Tyas, R.S.O., Yorks.
1907 BAIRD, REV. ANDREW B., D.D., 247, Colony Street, Winnipeg,
Canada.
1909 BALDWIN, Miss A., 404, West 116th Street, New York, U.S.A.
1902 BALDWIN, A. H., ESQ., 4A, Duncannon Street, Charing Cross,
W.C.
1905 BALDWIN, PERCY J. D., ESQ., 4A, Duncannon Street, Charing:
Cross, W.C.
1898 BANES, ARTHUR ALEXANDER, ESQ., The Red House, Upton,.
Essex.
1907 BARRON, T. W., ESQ., Yew Tree Hall, Forest Row, Sussex.
1887 BASCOM, G. J., ESQ., The Charles Building, 331, Madisom
Avenue, New York, U.S.A.
1896 BEARMAN, THOS., ESQ., Melbourne House, 8, Tudor Road,
Hackney.
4 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1906 BEATTY, W. GEDNEY, ESQ., 55, Broadway, New York, U.S.A.
1910 BENNET-POE, J. T., ESQ., M.A., 29, Ashley Place, S.W.
1909 BIDDULPH, COLONEL J., Grey Court, Ham, Surrey.
1880 *BIEBER, G. W. EGMONT, ESQ., 4, Fenchurch Avenue, E.G.
1885 BLACKETT, JOHN STEPHENS, ESQ., C.E., Inverard, Aberfoyle,
N.B.
1904 BLACKWOOD, CAPT. A. PRICE, 52, Queen's Gate Terrace, S.W.
1882 f*BLiss, THOMAS, ESQ., Coningsburgh, Montpelier Eoad,
Ealing, W.
1879 *BLUNDELL, J. H., ESQ., 157, Cheapside, E.G.
1907 BOSANQUET, PROF. E. C., M.A., F.S.A., Institute of
Archaeology, 40, Bedford Street N., Liverpool.
1896 BOCLTON, SIR SAMUEL BAGSTER, BART., J.P., D.L., F.R.G.S.,
Copped Hall, Totteridge, Herts.
1903 BOUSFIELD, STANLEY, ESQ., M.A., M.B. (Camb.), M.E.C.S.,
35, Prince's Square, W.
1897 BOWCHER, FRANK, ESQ., 35, Fairfax Eoad, Bedford Park, W.
1906 BOYD, ALFRED C., ESQ., 7, Friday Street, E.C.
1899 BOYLE, COLONEL GERALD, 48, Queen's Gate Terrace, S.W.
1895 BRIGHTON PUBLIC LIBRARY, The Curator, Brighton.
1910 BRITTAN, FREDERICK J., ESQ., 28, Gowan Avenue, S.W.
1908 BROOKE, GEORGE CYRIL, ESQ., B.A., British Museum, W.C.
1905 BROOKE, JOSHUA WATTS, ESQ., Eosslyn, Marlborough, Wilts.
1911 BROWNE, EEV. PROF. H., M.A., 35, Lower- Leeson Street,
Dublin.
1896 BRUUN, HERR L. E., 101, Gothersgade, Copenhagen.
1878 BUCHAN, J. S., ESQ., 17, Barrack Street, Dundee.
1881 BULL, EEV. HERBERT A., M.A., J.P., Wellington House,
Westgate-on-Sea.
1910 BURKITT, MILES CRAWFURD, ESQ., Trinity College, Cambridge.
1897 BURN, THE HON'BLE MR. EICHARD, I.C.S., M.E.A.S., c/o
Messrs. Grindlay & Co., Bombay.
1881 BURSTAL, EDWARD K., ESQ., M. Inst. C.E., St. Stephen's
Club, S.W.
1911 BURTON, FRANK E., ESQ., J.P., Euddington House, Eudding-
ton, Notts.
1878 *BUTTERY, W., ESQ. (address not known).
1904 CAHN, DR. JULIUS, Niedenau, 55, Frankfurt-ani-Main,
Germany.
1886 CALDECOTT, J. B., ESQ., The Stock Exchange, E.C.
LIST OF FELLOWS. O
ELECTED
1908 CALLEJA SCHEMBEI, EEV. CANON H., D.D., 50, Strada Saluto,
Valletta, Malta.
1914 CAMERON, CAPTAIN J. S., Low Wood, Bethersden, Ashford,
Kent.
1904 CAMPBELL,W. E. M., ESQ., I.C.S., Mirzapur, United Provinces,
India.
1894 CAELYON-BRITTON, P. W. P., ESQ., D.L., J.P., F.S.A., 43,
Bedford Square, W.C.
1905 CARTHEW, COLONEL E. J., J.P., Woodbridge Abbey,
Suflfolk.
1912 CAVE, CHARLES J. P., ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., pitcham Park,
Petersfield.
1914 Ciccio, GIUSEPPE DE, 131, Via Stabile, Palermo, Sicily.
1891 *CLAUSON, ALBERT CHARLES, ESQ., Hawkshead House, Hat-
field, Herts.
1911 CLEMENTS, LUTHER, ESQ., Charlton House, Peckham Eye,
S.E.
1911 COATES, E. ASSHETON, ESQ., 15, Onslow Crescent, S.W.
1913 *CODRINGTON, HUMPHREY W., ESQ., B.A., M.B.A.S., Kegalla,
Ceylon.
1886 CODRINGTON, OLIVER, ESQ., M.D., F.S.A., M.E.A.S., 12,
Victoria Eoad, Clapham Common, Librarian,
1895 COOPER, JOHN, ESQ., Beckfoot, Longsight, Manchester.
1906 COSSINS, JETHRO A., ESQ., Kingsdon, Forest Eoad, Moseley,
Birmingham.
1902 COVERNTON, J. G., ESQ., M.A., C.I.E., Director of Public
Instruction, Eangoon, Burma.
1910 CREE, JAMES EDWARD, ESQ., Tusculum, North Berwick.
1886 *CROMPTON-EOBERTS, CHAS. M., ESQ., 52, Mount Street, W.
1914 CROWTHER-BEYNON, V. B., ESQ., Westfield, Beckenham, Kent.
1914 DALTON, EICHARD, ESQ., Park House, Cotham Park, Bristol.
1884 DAMES, M. LONGWORTH, ESQ., I.C.S. (retd.), M.E.A.S.,
Crichmere, Edgeborough Eoad, Guildford.
1900 DATTARI, SIGNOR GIAXNIXO, Cairo, Egypt.
1902 DAVEY, EDWARD CHARLES, ESQ. (address not known).
1888 tDAWsoN, G. J. CROSBIE, ESQ., M. Inst. C.E., P.G.S., F.S.S.,
May Place, Newcastle, Staffordshire.
1886 *DEWICK, EEV. E. S., M.A., F.S.A., 26, Oxford Square, Hyde
Park, W.
1911 DRUCE, HUBERT A., ESQ., 65. Cadogan Square, S.W.
6 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1905 EGGER, HERE ARMIN, 7, Opernring, Vienna,
1907 ELDER, THOMAS L., ESQ., 32, East Twenty-third Street, New
York, U.S.A.
1893 ELLIOTT, E. A., ESQ., 16, Belsize Grove, Hampstead, N.W.
1914 ELLIOT, SIR THOMAS TL, K.C.B., Deputy Master, Eoyal
Mint, E.G.
1904 ELLISON -MACARTNEY, ET. HON. WILLIAM GREY, P.O.,
Government House, Tasmania.
1895 ELY, TALFOURD, ESQ., M.A., D.Litt., F.S.A., 92, Fitzjohn's
Avenue, N.W,
1888 ENGEL, M. ARTHUR, 23, Rue Erlanger, Auteuil, Paris.
1872 *EVANS, SIR ARTHUR J., P.S.A., M.A., D.Litt., LL.D.,
Ph.D., F.B.S., F.B.A., Corr. de 1'Inst., Youlbury, near
Oxford, President.
1892 *EVANS, LADY, M.A., c/o Union of London and Smiths Bank,
Berkhamsted, Herts.
1904 *FARQUHAR, Miss HELEN, 11, Belgrave Square, S.W.
1886 FAY, DUDLEY B., ESQ., 287, Beacon Street, Boston, Mass.,
U.S.A.
1902 FENTIMAN, HARRY, ESQ., Murray House, Murray Eoad, Baling
Park, W.
1914 FIALA, K. u. K. Eegierungsrat Eduard, Palais Cumberland,
Vienna.
1910 FISHER- LIBRARY, THE, University, Sydney, N.S.W.
1908 FITZ WILLIAM MUSEUM, The Curator, Cambridge.
1901 FLETCHER, LIONEL LAWFORD, ESQ., Norwood Lodge, Tup-
wood, Caterham.
1898 FORRER, L., ESQ., 11, Hammelton Eoad, Bromley, Kent.
1912 FORSTER, E. H., ESQ., M.A., LL.B.,F.S.A., 2, Enmore Eoad,
Putney, S.W.
1894 *FOSTER, JOHN ARMSTRONG, ESQ., F.Z.S., Chestwood, near
Barnstaple.
1891 *Fox, H. B. EARLE, ESQ., 37, Markham Square, S.W., Vice-
President.
1868 FRENTZEL, EUDOLPH, ESQ., 46, Northfield Eoad, Stamford
Hill, N.
1882 *FRESHFIELD, EDWIN, ESQ., LL.D., F.S.A., New Bank
Buildings, 31, Old Jewry, E.C.
1905 FREY, ALBERT E., ESQ., New York Numismatic Club, P.O.
Box 1875, New York City.
1896 *FRY, CLAUDE BASIL, ESQ., Stoke Lodge, Stoke Bishop,
Bristol.
LIST OF FELLOWS. • 7
ELECTED
1897 *GANS, LEOPOLD, ESQ., 207, Madison Street, Chicago, U.S.A.
1912 GANTZ, REV. W. L., Norton Eectory, Market Drayton.
1871 GARDNER, PROF. PERCY, Litt.D., LL.D., F.S.A., F.B.A., 105,
Banbury Road, Oxford.
1907 GARDNER, WILLOUGHBY, ESQ., Deganwy, North Wales.
1889 GARSIDE, HENRY, ESQ., 46, Queen's Road, Teddington.
1913 GILBERT, WILLIAM, ESQ., 35, Broad Street Avenue, E.G.
1904 GOLDNEY, FRANCIS BENNETT, ESQ., F.S.A., M.P., Abbots
Barton, Canterbury.
1894 GOODACRE, HUGH, ESQ., Ullesthorpe Court, Lutterworth,
Leicestershire.
1910 GOODALL, ALEX., ESQ., 5, Maria Street, Kirkcaldy, N.B.
1907 GOUDY, HENRY, ESQ., M.A., LL.D., D.C.L., Regius Professor
of Civil Law, All Souls College, Oxford.
1899 GOWLAND, PROF. WILLIAM, F.R.S., F.I.C., M.C.S., F.S.A., 13,
Russell Road, Kensington, W.
1904 GRAHAM, T. HENRY BOILEAU, ESQ., Edmund Castle, Carlisle.
1905 GRANT DUFF, EVELYN, ESQ., C.M.G., British Legation, Berne.
1891 *GRANTLEY, LORD, F.S.A., Red Rice, Andover, Hants.
1865 GREENWELL, REV. CANON W., M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., Durham.
1914 GROWSE, S. W., ESQ., Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.
1871 GRUEBER, HERBERT A., ESQ., F.S.A., British Museum.
1910 GUNN, WILLIAM, ESQ., 19, Swan Road, Harrogate.
1899 HALL, HENRY PLATT, ESQ., Toravon, Werneth, Oldham.
1898 HANDS, REV. ALFRED W., The Rectory, Nevendon, Wickford,
Essex.
1912 HARDING, NEWTON H., 110, Pine Avenue, Chicago, U.S.A.
1904 HARRIS, EDWARD BOSWORTH, ESQ., 5, Sussex Place, Regent's
Park, N.W.
1904 HARRISON, FREDERICK A., ESQ., 10-12, Featherstone Street,
E.G.
1903 HASLUCK, F. W., ESQ., M.A., The Wilderness, Southgate, N.
1902 HAVERFIELD, PROF. FRANCIS J., M.A., LL.D., D.Litt.,
V.P.S.A., F.B.A., Headington Hill, Oxford.
1914 HAYES, HERBERT E. E., ESQ., Hythe Road, Greenhithe,
Kent.
1864 fHEAD, BARCLAY VINCENT, ESQ., D.Litt., D.C.L., Ph.D., Corr.
de 1'Inst., 26, Leinster Square, Bayswater, W.
1906 HEADLAM, REV. ARTHUR CAYLEY, M.A.,D.D., Whorlton Hall,
Barnard Castle, Durham.
8 LIST OF FELLOWS.
KLKCTED
1886 *HENDERSON, JAMES STEWART, ESQ., F.R.G.S., M.R.S.L.,
M.C.P., 1, Pond Street, Hampstead, N.W.
1901 *HENDERSON, REV. COOPER K., M.A., Flat 4, 32, Emperor's
Gate, S.W.
1900 HEWLETT, LIONEL M., ESQ., Greenbank, Harrow-on-the-Hill,
Middlesex.
1903 HIGGINS, FRANK C., ESQ., 5, West 108th Street, New York,
U.S.A.
1893 HILBERS, THE VEN. G. C., M.A., V.D., St. Thomas's Rectory,
Haverfordwest.
1898 HILL, CHARLES WILSON, ESQ. (address not known).
1893 HILL, GEORGE FRANCIS, ESQ., M.A., Keeper of Coins, British
Museum, Foreign Secretary.
1883 HOBART, R. H. SMITH, 619, Third Street, Brooklyn, New
York, U.S.A.
1898 HOCKING, WILLIAM JOHN, ESQ., Royal Mint, E.
1895 HODGE, THOMAS, ESQ., 13, Wellington Street, Strand, W.C.
1875 HOUTUM - SCHINDLER, GENERAL SlR ALBERT, K.C.I.E.,
M.R.A.S., Petersfield, Fenstanton, Hunts.
1910 HOWORTH, DANIEL F., ESQ., 24, Villiers Street, Ashton-
under-Lyne.
1878 HOWORTH, SIR HENRY H., K.C.I.E., D.C.L., F.R.S.,
F.S.A., 45, Lexham Gardens, S.W., Vice-President.
1883 HUBBARD, WALTER R., ESQ., 6, Broomhill Avenue, Partick,
N.B.
1885 HUGEL, BARON F. VON, 13, Vicarage Gate, Kensington, W.
1908 *HUNTINGTON, ARCHER M., ESQ., Secretary to the American
Numismatic Society, Audubon Park, 156th Street, West
of Broadway, New York, U.S.A.
1911 HYMAN, COLEMAN P., ESQ., Royal Colonial Institute,
Northumberland Avenue, W.C.
1879 *JEX-BLAKE, THE VERY REV. T. W., D.D., F.S.A., 13,
Ennismore Gardens, S.W.
1911 JOHNSTON, LEONARD P., ESQ., The Cottage, Warningcamp,
Arundel, Sussex.
1911 JONES, FREDERICK WILLIAM, ESQ., 22, Ramshill Road,
Scarborough.
1874 *KENYON, R. LLOYD, ESQ., M.A., J.P., D.L., Pradoe, West
Felton, Salop.
1914 KERB, ROBERT, ESQ., M.A., Royal Scottish Museum,
Edinburgh.
LIST OF FELLOWS. 9
ELECTED
1876 KITCHENER, FIELD-MARSHAL EARL, OF KHARTOUM, K.P.,
G.C.B., O.M., G.C.S.L, G.C.M.G., G.C.I.E., c/o Messrs.
Cox & Co., Charing Cross, S.W.
1901 KOZMINSKY, DR. ISIDORE, 20, Queen Street, Kew, near
Melbourne, Victoria.
1883 *LAGERBERG, M. ADAM MAGNUS EMANUEL, Chamberlain
of H.M. the King of Sweden, Director of the Numis-
matic Department, Museum, Gottenburg, and Eada,
Sweden.
1910 LAUGHLIN, DR. W. A., M.A., Box 456, Virginia City,
Nevada, U.S.A.
1898 LAYER, PHILIP G., ESQ., M.E.C.S., 3, Church Street, Col-
chester.
1877 LAWRENCE, F. G., ESQ., Birchfield, Mulgrave Eoad, Sutton,
Surrey.
1885 *LAWRENCE, L. A., ESQ., F.S.A., 44, Belsize Square, N.W.
1883 *LAWRENCE, RICHARD HOE, ESQ., 15, Wall Street, New York.
1871 *LAWSON, ALFRED J., ESQ., Smyrna.
1893 LESLIE-ELLIS, LIEUT.-COL. HENRY, D.L., J.P., F.S.A.,
F.E.G.S., Magherymore, Wicklow.
1900 LINCOLN, FREDERICK W., ESQ., 69, New Oxford Street, W.C.
1907 LOCKETT, EICHARD CYRIL, ESQ., Clounterbrook, St. Anne's
Eoad, Aigburth, Liverpool.
1911 LONGMAN, W., ESQ., 27, Norfolk Square, W.
1893 LUND, H. M., ESQ., Waitara, Taranaki, New Zealand.
1903 LYDDON, FREDERICK STICKLAND, ESQ., 5, Beaufort Eoad,
Clifton, Bristol.
1885 *LYELL, ARTHUR HENRY, EsQ.,F.S.A., 9,CranleyGardens,S.W.
1895 MACDONALD, GEORGE, ESQ., M.A., LL.D., F.B.A., 17, Lear-
month Gardens, Edinburgh.
1901 MACFADYEN, FRANK E., ESQ., 11, Sanderson Eoad, Jesmond,
Newcastle-on-Tyne.
1895 MARSH, WM. E., ESQ., Eosendale, 35, Holligravel Eoad,
Bromley, Kent.
1897 MASSY, COL. W. J., 30, Brandenburgh Eoad, Chiswick, W.
1912 MATTINGLY, HAROLD, ESQ., M.A., British Museum, W.C.
1905 MAVROGORDATO, J., ESQ., 6, Palmeira Court, Hove.
1901 McDowALL, EEV. STEWART A., 5, Belvoir Terrace, Cambridge.
1905 McEwEN, HUGH DRUMMOND, ESQ., F.S.A.(Scot.), Custom
House, Leith, N.B.
10 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELW.TED
1868 McLACHLAN, R. W., ESQ., 310, Lansdowne Avenue, West-
mount, Montreal, Canada.
1905 MESSENGER, LEOPOLD G. P., ESQ., 151, Brecknock Eoad,
Tufnell Park, N.
1905 MILLER, HENRY CLAY, ESQ., 35, Broad Street, New York,
U.S.A.
1897 MILNE, J. GRAFTON, ESQ., M.A., Bankside, Goldhill, Farn-
harn, Surrey.
1910 MITCHELL LIBRARY, THE, Glasgow, F. T. Barrett, Esq.,
Librarian.
1898 *MONCKTON, HORACE W., ESQ., F.L.S., F.G.S., 3, Harcourt
Buildings, Temple, E.G., and Whitecairn, Wellington
College Station, Berks.
1888 MONTAGUE, L. A. D., ESQ., Penton, near Crediton, Devon.
1905 MOORE, WILLIAM HENRY, ESQ. (address not known).
1879 MORRIESON, LIEUT. -CoL. H. WALTERS, E.A., F.S.A., 42, Beau-
fort Gardens, S.W.
1904 MOULD, RICHARD W., ESQ., Newington Public Library,
Walworth Eoad, S.E.
1900 *MYLNE, REV. EGBERT SCOTT, M.A., B.C.L., F.S.A., Great
Amwell, Herts.
1909 NAGG, STEPHEN K., ESQ., 1621, Master Street, Philadelphia,
U.S.A.
1893 NAPIER, PROF. A. S., M.A., D.Litt., Ph.D., F.B.A., Headington
Hill, Oxford.
1905 NATHAN, SIDNEY, ESQ., M.D., 11, Bolton Gardens, S.W.
1910 NESMITH, THOMAS, ESQ., c/o J. Munro & Co., 7, Rue Scribe,
Paris.
1905 NEWALL, HDGH FRANK, ESQ., M.A., Madingley Eise, Cam-
bridge.
1906 NEWBERRY LIBRARY, Chicago, U.S. America.
1905 *NEWELL, E. T., ESQ., Box 321, Madison Square, New York,
U.S.A.
1909 NIKLEWICZ, H., ESQ., 28, Park Place, Brooklyn, New York,
U.S.A.
1904 NORFOLK, DUKE OF, E.M., E.G., P.C., Arundel Castle,
Arundel.
1904 NORTHUMBERLAND, DUKE OF, E.G., P.O., LL.D., D.C.L.,
F.R.S., 2, Grosvenor Place, S.W.
1898 OGDEN, W. SHARP, ESQ., F.S.A., Naseby, East End Road,
Finchley, N.
LIST OF FELLOWS. 11
ELECTED
1897 "O'HAGAN, HENRY OSBOENE, ESQ., Al4, The Albany,
Piccadilly, W.
1882 OMAN, PROF. C. W. CM M.A., LL.D., F.S.A., F.B.A., All
Souls College, Oxford.
1911 OPPENHEIMER, HENRY, ESQ., 9, Kensington Palace Gardens, W.
1903 PARSONS, H. ALEXANDER, ESQ., " Shaftesbury," Devonshire
Eoad, Honor Oak Park, S.E.
1882 *PECKOVER OF WISBECH, LORD, LL.D., F.S.A., F.L.S.,
F.B.G.S., J.P., Bank House, Wisbech.
1896 PEERS, C. E., ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., 14, Lansdowne Eoad,
Wimbledon.
1894 PERRY, HENRY, ESQ., Middleton, Plaistow Lane, Bromley,
Kent.
1862 *PERRY, MARTEN, ESQ., M.D., Spalding, Lincolnshire.
1909 PETERSON, F. W. VOYSEY, ESQ., B.C.S. (retd.), 38, Bassett
Eoad, W.
1888 PINCHES, JOHN HARVEY, ESQ., 21, Albert Embankment, S.E.
1910 PORTER, PROFESSOR HARVEY, Protestant College, Beirut,
Syria.
1889 POWELL-COTTON, PERCY H. GORDON, ESQ., Quex Park,
Birchington, Thanet.
1903 PRICE, HARRY, ESQ., Arun Bank, Pulborough, Sussex.
1911 PRICHARD, A. H. COOPER-, British School, Palazzo
Odeschalchi, Eome.
1878 *PRIDEAUX, COL. W. F., C.S.I., F.E.G.S., Hopeville, St.
Peter's-in-Thanet, Kent.
1906 EADFORD, A. J. VOOGHT, ESQ., F.S.A., Vacye, College Eoad,
Malvern.
1902 BAMSDEN, HENRY A., ESQ., Charge d' Affaires of Cuba, P.O.
Box 214, Yokohama, Japan.
1887 EANSOM, W., ESQ., F.S.A., F.L.S., Fairfield, Hitchin, Herts.
1913 EAO, K. ANANTASAMI, Curator of the Government Museum,
Bangalore, India.
1893 EAPHAEL, OSCAR C., ESQ., New Oxford and Cambridge Club,
68, Pall Mall, W.
1890 EAPSON, PROF. E. J., M.A., M.E.A.S., 8, Mortimer Eoad,
Cambridge.
1905 EASHLEIGH, EVELYN W., ESQ., Stoketon, Saltash, Cornwall.
1909 EAYMOND, WAYTE, ESQ., South Norwalk, Connecticut, U.S.A.
1887 fEEADY, W. TALBOT, ESQ., 66, Great Eussell Street, W.C.
1903 BEGAN, W. H., ESQ., 124, Queen's Eoad, Bayswater, W.
12 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1876 *ROBERTSON, J. DRUMMOND, ESQ., M.A., 17, St. George's
Court, Gloucester Eoad, 8.W.
1911 EOBINSON, E. S. G., ESQ., B.A., British Museum, W.C.
1910 EOGERS, BEV. EDGAR, M.A., 18, Colville Square, W.
1911 EOSENHEIM, MAURICE, ESQ., 18, Belsize Park Gardens, N.W.
1896 *BOTH, BERNARD, ESQ., J.P., F.S.A., King's Wood, Enfield.
1903 EUBEN, PAUL, ESQ., Ph.D., Alte Eabenstrasse, 8, Hamburg,
Germany.
1904 EUSTAFFJAELL, EGBERT DE, ESQ., Luxor, Egypt.
1872 *SALAS, MIGUEL T., ESQ., 247, Florida Street, Buenos
Ayres.
1877 *SANDEMAN, LIEUT.-COL. JOHN GLAS, M.V.O., F.S.A., Whin-
Hurst, Hayling Island, Havant, Hants.
1906 SAWYER, CHARLES, ESQ., 9, Alfred Place West, Thurloe
Square, S.W.
1907 *SELTMAN, CHARLES T., ESQ., Kinghoe, Berkhamsted, Herts.
1890 SELTMAN, E. J., ESQ., Kinghoe, Berkhamsted, Herts.
1900 SHACKLES, GEORGE L., ESQ., Wickersley, Brough, B.S.O., E.
Yorks.
1908 SHEPHERD, EDWARD, ESQ., 2, Cornwall Eoad, Westbourne
Park, W.
1913 SHIRLEY-FOX, J. S., ESQ., E.B.A., 5, Eossetti Studios, Flood
Street, Chelsea, S.W.
1896 SIMPSON, C. E., ESQ., Beech Grove, West Parade Eow, Scar-
borough.
1893 *SIMS, E. F. MANLEY-, ESQ. (address not known).
1896 SINHA, KUMVAR KUSHAL PAL, EAIS OF KOTLA, Kotla, Agra,
India.
1912 SMITH, G. HAMILTON, ESQ., Killoran, Seymour Eoad,
Finchley, N.
1892 SMITH, VINCENT A., ESQ., M.A., M.E.A.S., I.C.S. (retd.),
116, Banbury Eoad, Oxford.
1890 SMITH, W. BERESFORD, ESQ., Kenmore, Vanbrugh Park Eoad
West, Blackheath.
1905 SNELLING, EDWARD, ESQ., 26, Silver Street, E.G.
1909 SOUTZO, M. MICHEL, 8, Strada Bornana, Bucharest.
1894 SPINK, SAMUEL M., ESQ., 17, Piccadilly, W.
1902 STAINER, CHARLES LEWIS, ESQ., 10, South Parks Eoad, Oxford.
1878 STRACHAN-DAVIDSON, J. L., ESQ., M.A., LL.D., Master of
Balliol College, Oxford.
LIST OF FELLOWS. 13
ELECTED
1869 *STREATFEILD, REV. GEORGE SIDNEY, Goddington Eectory,
Bicester, Oxfordshire.
1914 *STREATFEILD, MRS. SIDNEY, 27, Park Street, Mayfair, W.
1910 SUTCLIFFE, ROBERT, ESQ., 21, Market Street, Burnley, Lanes.
1914 SYDENHAM, REV. EDWARD H., The Vicarage, Wolvercote, Oxon.
1885 SYMONDS, H., ESQ., F.S.A., Union Club, Trafalgar Square,
S.W.
1896 *TAFFS, H. W., ESQ., 35, Greenholm Road, Eltham, S.E.
1879 TALBOT, LiEUT.-CoL. THE HON. MILO GEORGE, Hartham,
Corsham, Wilts.
1888 TATTON, THOS. E.,ESQ., Wythenshawe, Northenden, Cheshire.
1892 TAYLOR, R. WRIGHT, ESQ., M.A., LL.B., F.S.A., 8, Stone
Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
1887 fTAYLOR, W. H., ESQ., The Croft, Wheelwright Road,
Erdington, near Birmingham.
1887 THAIRLWALL, F. J., ESQ., 12, Upper Park Road, Haverstock
Hill, N.W.
1890 THOMAS-STANFORD, CHARLES, ESQ., J.P., M.A., F.S.A.,
Preston Manor, Brighton.
1896 THOMPSON, SIR HERBERT, BART., 9, Kensington Park
Gardens, W.
1896 THORBURN, HENRY W., EsQ.,Cradock Villa, Bishop Auckland.
1903 THORPE, GODFREY F., ESQ., 270, Balham High Road, S.W.
1913 THORPE, W. BERTRAM, ESQ., Cleveland House, 270, Balham
High Road, S.W.
1894 TRIGGS, A. B., ESQ., Bank of New South Wales, Yass, New
South Wales.
1887 TROTTER, LIEUT.-COL. SIR HENRY, K.C.M.G., C.B., 18,
Eaton Place, W.
1912 VAN BUREN, A. W., ESQ., American School, 5, Via Vicenza,
Rome.
1874 fVizE, GEORGE HENRY, ESQ., 15, Spencer Road, Putney, S.W.
1899 VLASTO, MICHEL P., ESQ., 12, Allee des Capucines, Marseilles,
France.
1892 VOST, LIEUT.-COL. W., I.M.S., Muttra, United Provinces,
India.
1905 WAGE, A. J. B., ESQ., M.A., Leslie Lodge, Hall Place, St.
Albans.
1883 WALKER, R. K., ESQ., M.A., Watergate, Meath Road, Bray,
Ireland.
14 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1897 WALTERS, FRED. A., ESQ., F.S.A., 37, Old Queen Street,
Westminster, S.W., Hon. Secretary.
1911 WARRE, FELIX W., ESQ., 231A, St. James's Court, Buckingham
Gate, S.W.
1901 *WATTERS, CHARLES A., ESQ., 152, Princes Eoad, Liverpool.
1901 WEBB, PERCY H., ESQ., 4 & 5, West Smithfield, E.G., Hon.
Treasurer.
1885 *WEBER, F. PARKES, ESQ., MJX, F.S.A., 13, Harley Street,
W.
1883 * WEBER, SIR HERMANN, M.D., 10, Grosvenor Street, Gros-
venor Square, W.
1884 WEBSTER, W. J., ESQ., 76, Melford Eoad, Thornton
Heath.
1904 WEIGHT, WILLIAM CHARLES, ESQ., Erica, The Broadway,
Letch worth.
1905 WEIGHTMAN, FLEET-SURGEON A. E., F.S.A., Junior United
Service Club, Charles Street, St. James's, S.W.
1899 WELCH, FRANCIS BERTRAM, ESQ., M.A., Wadham House,
Arthog Road, Hale, Cheshire.
1869 *WiGRAM, MRS. LEWIS, The Eookery, Frensham, Surrey.
1914 WILLIAMS, E. JAMES, ESQ., Ascalon, 37, Hill Avenue,
Worcester.
1908 WILLIAMS, T. HENRY, ESQ., 85, Clarendon Eoad, Putney,
S.W.
1910 WILLIAMS, W. I., ESQ., Brook Villa, Nelson, Cardiff.
1881 WILLIAMSON, GEO. C., ESQ., F.E.S.L., Burgh House, Well
Walk, Hampstead, N.W.
1906 WILLIAMSON, CAPT. W. H. (address not known).
1869 fWiNSER, THOMAS B., ESQ., F.E.G.S., F.I.A., 81, Shooter's
Hill Eoad, Blackheath, S.E.
1904 WINTER, CHARLES, ESQ., Oldfield, Thetford Eoad, New
Maiden, Surrey.
1906 WOOD, HOWLAND, ESQ., Curator of the American Numismatic
Society, 156th Street, W. of Broadway, New York,
U.S.A.
1S03 WRIGHT, THE HON'BLE MR. H. NELSON, I.C.S., M.E.A.S.,
Bareilly, United Provinces, India.
1889 YEATES, F. WILLSON, ESQ., 7, Leinster Gardens, Hyde
Park, W.
LIST OF FELLOWS. 15
ELECTED
1880 YOUNG, ARTHUR W., ESQ., 12, Hyde Park Terrace, W.
1898 YOUNG, JAMES SHELTON, ESQ., 19, Addison Gardens, W.
1900 ZIMMERMANN, REV. JEREMIAH, M.A., D.D., LL.D., 107, South
Avenue, Syracuse, New York, U.S.A.
HONORARY FELLOWS
ELF.CTKD
1898 His MAJESTY VICTOR EMMANUEL III, KING OF ITALY,
Palazzo Quirinale, Rome.
1891 BABELON, M. ERNEST, Mem. de l'Inst.,Bibliotbeque Nationale,
Paris.
1903 BAHRFELDT, GENERAL-MAJOR M. VON, 9, Humboldstr., Hilde-
sheim, Germany.
1898 BLANCHET, M. J. A., 10, Bd. Emile Augier, Paris.
1898 DRESSEL, DR. H., Munz-Kabinet, Kaiser Friedrich Museum,
Berlin.
1899 GABRICI, PROF. DR. ETTORE, S. Giuseppe dei Nudi, 75, Naples.
1893 GNECCHI, COMM. FRANCESCO, Via Filodrammatici 10, Milan.
1873 IMHOOF-BLUMER, DR. F., Winterthur, Switzerland.
1893 JONGHE, M. LE VICOMTE B. DE, Rue du Trone, 60, Brussels.
1878 KENNER, DR. F. von, K. u. K. Museen,' Vienna.
1904 KUBITSCHEK, PROF. J. W., Picblergasse, 1, Vienna.
1893 LOEBBECKE, HERR A., Cellerstrasse, 1, Brunswick.
1904 MAURICE, M. JULES, 10, Rue Crevaux, Paris.
1898 MILANI, PROF. LUIGI ADRIANO, Florence.
1899 PICK, DR. BEHRENDT, Mlinzkabinet, Gotha.
1895 REINACH, M. THEODORE, 9, Rue Hammelin, Paris.
1891 SVORONOS, M. J. N., Conservateur du Cabinet des Medailles,
Athens.
1886 WEIL, DR. RUDOLF, Schoneberger Ufer, 38, in., Berlin, W.
16 LIST OF FELLOWS.
MEDALLISTS
OF THE KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
ELECTED
1833 CHARLES ROACH SMITH, ESQ., F.. .A.
1884 AQUILLA SMITH, ESQ., M.D., M.R.I. A.
1885 EDWARD THOMAS, ESQ., F.R.S.
1886 MAJOR-GKNERAL ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM, C.S.I., C.I.E.
1887 JOHN EVANS, ESQ., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., P.S.A.
1888 DR. F. IMHOOF-BLUMER, Winterthur.
1889 PROFESSOR PERCY GARDNER, Litt.D., F.S.A.
1890 MONSIEUR J. P. Six, Amsterdam.
1891 DR. C. Luowia MULLER, Copenhagen.
1892 PROFESSOR R. STUART POOLE, LL.D.
1893 MONSIEUR W. H. WADDINGTON, Senateur, Membre de 1'Institut,
Paris.
1894 CHARLES FRANCIS KEARY, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A.
1895 PROFESSOR DR. THEODOR MOMMSEN, Berlin.
1896 FREDERIC W. MADDEN, ESQ., M.R.A.S.
1897 DR. ALFRED VON SALLET, Berlin.
1898 THE REV. CANON W. GREENWELL, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A.
1899 MONSIEUR ERNEST BABELON, Membre de 1'Institut, Con-
servateur des Medailles, Paris.
1900 PROFESSOR STANLEY LANE-POOLE, M.A., Litt.D.
1901 S. E. BARON WLADIMIR VON TIESENHAUSEN, St. Petersburg.
1902 ARTHUR J. EVANS, ESQ., M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., Keeper of the
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.
1903 MONSIEUR GUSTAVE SCHLUMBERGER, Membre de 1'Institut,
Paris.
1904 His MAJESTY VICTOR EMMANUEL III, KING OF ITALY.
1905 SIR HERMANN WEBER, M.D.
1906 COMM. FRANCESCO GNECCHI, Milan.
19U7 BARCLAY VINCENT HEAD, ESQ., D. Litt., D.C.L., Ph.D., Corr.
de 1'Inst.
1908 PROFESSOR DR. HEINRICH DRESSEL, Berlin.
1909 H. A. GRUBBER, ESQ., F.S.A.
1910 DR. FRIEDRICH EDLER VON KENNER, Vienna.
1911 OLIVER CODRINGTON, ESQ., M.D., M.R.A.S., F.S.A.
1912 GENERAL-LEUTNANT MAX BAHRFELDT, Dr.Phil., Hildesheim.
1913 GEORGE MACDONALD, ESQ., M.A., LL.D.
1914 JI:AN N. SVORONOS, Athens.
The Numismatic chronicle
and journal of the Royal
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